Archive | June 1st, 2011

Why IsraHell is Not a Democracy

NOVANEWS

 

Ilan Pappé

 

Ilan Pappé is a professor with the College of Social Sciences and International Studies at the University of Exeter in the UK, director of the university’s European Centre for Palestine Studies, co-director of the Exeter Centre for Ethno-Political Studies, and political activist. His books include A Modern History of Palestine, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine and Gaza in Crisis (with Noam Chomsky).

Frank Barat: The USA recently vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling all Israeli settlements illegal and an obstacle to peace () saying that it  harmed chances for peace talks. Interestingly, all other countries voted FOR and the US faced criticism from its European allies. The US might seem more and more isolated when it comes to Israel. What is Israel strategic importance for the US nowadays and has it changed since 1967?

Ilan Pappé: I think that Israel’s importance to the United States is still the same as it always has been. We have to wait and see whether the Arab revolutions will change it but at the time that that veto was given I think that even if there was a fundamental impact of what happened in the Arab world on American thinking on Israel, it’s too early for it to be shown in American policy. So my guess is, and we’ve seen it throughout the Barack Obama administration policy towards Israel, that the same pressures that worked and formulated American policy towards Israel in the Bush administration are still at work in the Obama administration. So nobody should have been surprised by the fact that Obama vetoed this resolution and if there would be another one there would veto it again, although I do think that the fact that the European member States did not join the Americans on this is a sign of the overall trend, that we can see, you call it isolation of the United States, I would call it the beginning of an internal process of rethinking American policy, which will take quite a while to mature but is definitely happening.

FB: It was reported on Haaretz and the Guardian that Angela Merkel had a very tough telephone call with Netanyahu about the peace process, telling him: “”You are the one who has disappointed us. You haven’t made a single step to advance peace.” Coming from Germany, Europe’s number 1 supporter of Israel (with Poland), this is quite extraordinary. Could we witness a change in Europe stance towards Israel soon? More importantly, could Europe play a more balanced role than the US in the Palestine question?

IP: We have to be careful here. It’s true about Angela Merkel as much as it is true about Barack Obama. What they want instead of the Netanyahu government, which is definitely a kind of government they don’t like to deal with, is a central Zionist government, the Kadima government, which I will remind you, according to the Al Jazeera leaks, refused even to accept the most generous and stupid ever offer the Palestinian leadership has made to the Israelis under Olmert. So when Angela Merkel is angry with Netanyahu, she wants to see Tzipi Livni as a Prime Minister which will not constitute any change in the Israeli policy or will in any way ease the oppression of the Palestinians. So that’s one point, so this is not that much of good news in the fact that they are angry with Netanyahu. Time will tell whether this may represent something more profound which is the undemocratic situation in Europe by which you have a public opinion which is anti Israeli and pro Palestinian, but is not reflected in the policies of the political elite. It’s possible that this also reflect a wish by politicians such as Merkel to represent more faithfully the basic impulse and positions of the European public towards Israel but I think we have to wait and see whether this moment of transformation is really taking place in front of our eyes.

FB: The recent “Palestine Papers” have confirmed that Israel and the US were the 2 main rejectionists in the Israel-Palestine conflict. Instead of using the papers to expose Israel rejectionism, the PA has attacked Al Jazeera, the messenger. How do you explain this and how long do you think the PA will be able to play the “collaborator” part before a new type of intifada will erupt?

IP: It’s very easy to understand why the PA attacked Al Jazeera. It came at a very unpleasant moment where all around the Arab world people were asking for more democracy, transparency and fair representation and what the Al Jazeera leaks revealed was that the PA was the exact opposite of all  these things. So I’m not surprised that they’d rather attack Al Jazeera than Israel. As far as the longevity of the PA is concerned, this really can only be connected to more general transformations. I don’t think that there would be an internal Palestinian transformation without several things happening beforehand. One is the successful continuation of the kind of transformations we have seen in the Arab world. A democratisation process in action rather than democracies, as kind of final outcome, even a continued process of democratisation in the Arab world is one thing which will encourage people to get rid of the PA. Secondly the movement of the civil society campaign against Israel into the sphere of political elite and political power. Thirdly and most importantly, you still need to find a solution for the question of Palestinian representation. Because it’s very clear that the PA is not the PLO, but it’s not very clear who is the PLO. Only the Palestinians, in almost an impossibly fragmented reality, have to find the way of re-awakening the process of representation. If you have Palestinian representation and you have a change in the Arab world and you have a political elite in the West that is willing to do something that its public wants it to do, I think that the PA will disappear and this will be  a first station in the trip for more fundamental transformations on the ground altogether.

FB: Some extraordinary events have taken place in the Arab World in the last few months. The scenes on Tahrir Square in Cairo, for example, will stay in people minds for years. People in Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Yemen..took the streets and protested about lack of jobs, access to education, repression, corruption…and got rid of their Western backed dictator. A friend of mine called this “the second step of the decolonisation process”. What’s is your view on this and also of the Libya situation, where sanctions have been voted at the UN and where NATO has talked about a military intervention?

IP: Right, first of all I would agree with the term “the second phase of decolonisation” or second phase of post colonialism. Its a very accurate term to describe what we are seeing there. I think it’s a very important moment for all of us, not only people who live in the Middle East but also people that engage with the Arab world and think that they understood what is going on there, usually through tools which misrepresented the Arab world and actually portrayed it in a very negative way. So I think the first thing to say about what’s happening is that there is not only the assertion of self dignity in the Arab world, it’s a defining moment for the West and its rather colonialist attitude towards the Arab world. Secondly of course we are talking about process in motion. We see Libya as a painful reminder that it would not be as easy as it has been in Egypt everywhere, nor is it clear that the Egyptian story is over but I do think it brings a lot of hope. It’s the first time I remember in my lifetime that there are good news coming from the Arab world and by this very sheer sort of sense of positivity or positive energy that comes from there, it’s a moment of no return. As an historian I keep reminding myself that a moment of no return does not mean that immediately you will have the kind of better reality that you want to happen. It means that you have to be alert, that there will be a lot of powers and a lot of actors, including Israel, who would make the best they can to make this moment disappear. So you cannot even be passive about it, you have to be active, each one of us in their own way, to help these revolutions to take place, and like in the case of Palestine, there has to be a clear distribution of labour about what everyone can do for this. But it is a dramatic and fantastic moment which I think also, in the long run, will affect Palestine in a very very positive way.

FB: What is the more global implication of the Arab world “revolutions”? Are Israel and the US right to feel threatened?

IP: Yes, there are two different issues here. The global implication is that whether these are academics, journalists or politicians, the schematic way in which they describe society and divide it into actors or factors that are active and can change reality and those that are recipients and can’t change reality has been dismantled, has collapse. So I think that the global implication is that you can have as much as economic and political and military power as you can, there are processes which you cannot control. Maybe it is because of the internet, maybe it’s because of impulses that push the  younger generation around the world, but there is a kind of unanimity between British students protesting in London, and Paris, and those protesting in Tunisia, Algiers and Cairo. That sort of teaches us that the way the world is represented through the eyes of its western elite has been dealt a serious blow, which is good news. As for the United State and Israel, I think the US is a bit more complex than Israel, so to make it a short answer instead of a long one, I would say that those in America, and there are so very important people in America, who relied on Israel in order to guide them in the politics of the Middle East, and Israel, are panicking. This is a moment of panic. I have been to Israel many times since the revolutions have started and Israel is in a real panic. They understand that the usual arsenal of power and diplomacy is useless in the face of what’s happening in the Arab world. They panic because they feel that if indeed democracy would appear on their footsteps and around them, they could not sell the fable that they are the only democracy in the Middle East and they would be in fact painted as another Arab dictatorial regime. That could lead to new American thinking, and a new American thinking, in the eyes of many Israelis is tantamount to the end of Israel as we know it.

FB: As coordinator of the Russell Tribunal on Palestine, I am now preparing the next session of the tribunal which is going to take place in South Africa and will talk about the crime of apartheid in relation to Israel. For many, Israel is a democracy, because everyone is able to vote and Arabs are represented in the Knesset So is Israel a democracy?

IP: No, Israel is definitely not a democracy. A country that occupies another people for more than 40 years and disallow them the most elementary civic and human rights cannot be a democracy. A country that pursues a discriminatory policy against a fifth of its Palestinian citizens inside the 67 borders cannot be a democracy. In fact Israel is, what we use to call in political science a herrenvolk democracy, its democracy only for the masters. The fact that you allow people to participate in the formal side of democracy, namely to vote or to be elected, is useless and meaningless if you don’t give them any share in the common good or in the common resources of the State, or if you discriminate against them despite the fact that you allow them to participate in the elections. On almost every level from official legislation through governmental practices, and social and cultural attitudes, Israel is only a democracy for one group, one ethnic group, that given the space that Israel now controls, is not even a majority group anymore, so I think that you’ll find it very hard to use any known definition of democracy which will be applicable for the Israeli case.

FB: What is your nationality, Ilan?

IP: I don’t have a clear nationality. I have a citizenship, an Israeli citizenship. Funnily enough I also have a European nationality because as second generation European jews we are entitled to have an European passport, which is not equivalent to nationality but it obfuscate the question of nationality. I would like to think myself as the member of a potential new nation that would emerge in the secular democratic state of Israel where it would be a combination of a society made of a third generation  of the settler colonialist who came to Palestine in the late nineteen century and the indigenous native population. Whether at the time that this would happen people would still define themselves in national term or not, I don’t care and I don’t know, but I feel that I am part of a settler colonialist community which pretends to be a national community by itself and is recognized as such, like the Australian and the New Zealander ones, but I think that if this is the only kind of  national identity open to me, I reject it and would like to work towards something much better for me and for others.

FB: For many people the Israel-Palestine conflict is about the Holocaust and the fact that the Jews of Europe had to find a place to live where they felt safe. Once the Jews arrived in Palestine, a dispute started about the land, between them and the indigenous inhabitants, the Palestinians. The dispute has now been going on for more than 60 years, both parties finding it impossible to reach a peace settlement. Is this what the conflict is about, in your opinion?

IP: No, no definitely not. The conflict is not about the Holocaust. The Holocaust is manipulated by the Israelis in order to maintain the conflict for their own interests. The conflict is a simple story of European settlers coming in the late nineteenth century motivated by all kinds of ideas, the dominating idea was that they needed a safe haven because Europe was not safe and that this was their ancient homeland. It happened before, this is not the only place where people have those weird ideas that they can come after 2000 years and reclaim something which was supposedly theirs. Because there were enough imperial powers willing to support this colonisation project they succeeded in putting a foot-hold and started first purchasing land and they exploited a certain land regime by which you could buy land from people who did not really owned it and expel the people who really cultivated it. But even that was not really successful. As you probably know, by the time the British Mandate ended, the Zionist movement succeeded in purchasing less than 7% of Palestine and bringing in a number of refugees, including after the Holocaust, which was not really impressive. All and all the Jewish community in the world prefer to go to Britain, the United States or stay in Europe, despite of the Holocaust. A very tiny minority came to Israel and that’s why contrary to their earlier wishes the Zionist movement decided to bring Jews from the Arab world and de-arabise them so they would become Jewish and not identify with the Arab population. So the conflict is about a colonialist movement that because of the Holocaust succeeds in not appearing colonialist in a world that does not like colonialism anymore and is using all kinds of means and alliances to continue to colonise, ethnically cleanse and occupy. It’s an incomplete atrocity. Zionism is an incomplete atrocity against the Palestinian People. Had it been complete, as the whites did in Australia and New Zealand, you probably would not have had a conflict today. It’s good to understand why it’s incomplete. That’s because of Palestinian steadfastness and resistance. There you have it in a nutshell. A colonialist project trying to complete its plan, indigenous people resisting it, that would be a conflict, unless you decolonise Palestine and you move towards a post colonialist stage in the history of this place.

FB: You have been a human rights activists for many years now, fighting on all fronts to help the Palestinians, with unfortunately, very little results. More lands is being stolen everyday, more people die, more houses are destroyed and the international community reward Israel for this. So what is the way forward for the Palestinians and their supporters?

IP: First thing to say is that we need to have a more comprehensive historical view of successes and failures. I don’t think it is all failure. The present Palestinian community in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the present Palestinian community inside Israel would not crack. It’s very clear. Whatever the Israeli policies would be, Israel cannot that easily contemplate another ethnic cleansing and that’s very important to understand. Secondly, I think that something has changed in public opinion, granted, it has not been translated into policies but we may be in the defining moment for Palestine without yet knowing it. So I would like to have a more balanced view about failure and success for all of us. I think it’s important to understand, it’s not all failure. However I do agree that we need a clear strategy forward. There are three things that I would very shortly and very briefly point out. One is that we need a better understanding about the distribution of labour between outside and inside. Namely the Palestinian political system needs to get its act together, in terms of representation, unification and so on and solidarity movement should not try to replace it on questions of representation but should concentrate in turning Israel into a pariah State which I think is very important in order to get things moving. So one is distribution of labour.

Secondly, I think we have to change the dictionary We should stop talking about the peace process, we should give up the idea of 2 state solution, in my mind, we should talk about colonialism again, anti-colonialism, change of regime, ethnic cleansing, reparations in the larger term. All kinds of known phrases which are very applicable to the situation of Palestine and because of Israeli propaganda and American support for that propaganda, we did not dare to use them. We have to make sure that even the mainstream media and academia and definitely the politicians are going to use them. The third thing we have to do is to accept the analyses, that change from within is not likely to happen and that brings forward the question of what kind of strategy do you adopt if you want to bring the change from outside. Luckily we have a very good example. Most people are now pushing the non violent strategy, instead of the violent strategy, for a change. This is good because I think a new reality that is going to be born out of the non violent struggle will create a much better relationship at the time of reconciliation. Whether as if you’ll win the liberation, if you want, through violence, we know from other historical cases, you become a violent society yourself. So I think there is a lot to be done, and the good thing about this age of ours is that there is a lot you can do as an individual, but never forget the organisations, and the old organisations as well, especially in the case of Palestinian representation. Not always you have to invent the wheel, sometimes you have to oil it, and make sure that it works again, as well as it did in the past.

*The full video of this interview is available here: http://vimeo.com/20754275

Frank Barat is coordinator of the Russell Tribunal on Palestine

Source: http://www.counterpunch.com/barat04012011.html

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Omar Barghouti, founding member of BDS movement, calls on celebrities to rally around international campaign to Boycott Israel

NOVANEWS

 

Dr. Hanan Chehata

Omar Barghouti 

Omar Barghouti is a Palestinian commentator, human rights activist and author.

Omar Barghouti takes part in an exclusive interview with MEMO’s Dr Hanan Chehata in which he discusses the successes and challenges facing the growing Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Movement against Israel. In the interview he remarks that:

‘Israel and its well-oiled lobby groups in the West have tried every trick in their book of vilification, intimidation, bullying and intellectual terror to deter or smear BDS activists and leaders everywhere. So far, they have miserably failed, however, as they themselves sometimes admit.’

‘Having lost the battle for hearts and minds in several key Western states, they have resorted to their ultimate weapon, criminalizing dissent and entirely muzzling debate.’

‘World renowned British writer, Iain Banks, wrote in the Guardian that the best way for international artists, writers and academics to “convince Israel of its moral degradation and ethical isolation” is “simply by having nothing more to do with this outlaw state.”[2] This position was later endorsed by Stephane Hessel, co-author of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Holocaust survivor and former French diplomat.’

Interview with Omar Barghouti

Omar Barghouti is a Palestinian commentator, human rights activist and author. He is one of the leaders of the Palestinian Civil Society Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and is one of the founding members of the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel which was launched in 2004. He recently wrote a book called “BDS – The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights”.

HC: You are one of the founding members of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, a campaign which began in 2005. What inspired you to take part in this movement and was there any reason why 2005 seemed like the right time to launch the global BDS initiative?

OB: I have always believed that, given our very complex Palestinian reality under Israeli siege, colonial oppression and apartheid, popular and peaceful resistance is the most effective form of struggle to achieve our inalienable rights under international law. Aspiring to attain freedom, justice and equality — the ultimate objectives of the BDS movement — has always been our main source of motivation. After decades of Israel’s ongoing ethnic cleansing and dispossession of our people, Palestinian civil society saw that the so-called “international community,” under U.S. hegemony, cannot possibly deliver our rights or force Israel to abide by its obligations under international law. Inspired by a century of Palestinian civil resistance against settler-colonialism and expulsion and deeply influenced by the South African anti-apartheid movement, key figures in Palestinian civil society decided to launch the BDS campaign. Immediately, an overwhelming majority of Palestinian political parties, trade unions, NGOs, mass movements, refugee rights networks and others endorsed the campaign, underlining its uniquely unifying, empowering, morally consistent and widely representative platform.

We launched BDS on 9 July 2005, on the very first anniversary of the advisory opinion  of the International Court of Justice that condemned as illegal Israel’s annexation wall and colonial settlements built on occupied Palestinian territory. The ICJ ruling specifically stated that all states were “under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction;  all States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 have in addition the obligation, while respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to ensure compliance by Israel with international humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention.” When governments failed to fulfil this minimal obligation, Palestinian civil society opted to call on people of conscience, on citizens, on international civil society, to shoulder the moral responsibility of holding Israel to account.

HC: For those who don’t already know, what are the primary aims of the BDS movement and at what point will you be satisfied that your demands have been met and that you can call an end to the campaign?

OB: BDS aims to enable the Palestinian people to exercise our inalienable right to self determination by ending Israel’s three-tiered system of oppression that denies us our basic, UN-sanctioned rights. Specifically, we call for an end to Israel’s occupation of all Arab lands controlled by Israel since 1967, including East Jerusalem; full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel and an end to the institutionalized and legalized Israeli system of racial discrimination against them; and respecting and enabling the internationally-recognized right of return for our refugees, ethnically cleansed by Zionist forces and then Israel during the 1948 Nakba and ever since.

HC: How swiftly do you think the BDS movement will take hold on a level akin to the global BDS movement which helped to topple Apartheid in South Africa? Do you think the BDS movement will take years/decades to make a difference or are you optimistic that it can make a difference sooner?

OB: The South African call for boycott came out in the late 1950s. The mainstream in the world’s most powerful countries, particularly in the West, effectively adopted boycotts and divestments against the apartheid regime in South Africa in the 1980s. In comparison, despite being less than six years young, the Palestinian-led, global BDS movement has already reached the mainstream in the West and achieved major victories in the economic, cultural, and academic boycott fields. The number of prominent cultural figures, intellectuals and artists who have either endorsed BDS or at least respected its criteria has grown at an impressive rate since Israel’s illegal and patently immoral war of aggression on the besieged and still-occupied Gaza Strip.

HC: There has been a lot of publicity around particularly musicians who have recently decided not to perform in Israel. How important do you think it is that celebrities also take part in the BDS movement?

OB: After Israel’s Freedom Flotilla massacre which led to the murder of 9 unarmed Turkish humanitarian relief workers and human rights activists — one with dual Turkish/US citizenship — and to the injury of dozens more from several countries, leading cultural figures and bands heeded our cultural boycott call.

World renowned British writer, Iain Banks, wrote in the Guardian that the best way for international artists, writers and academics to “convince Israel of its moral degradation and ethical isolation” is “simply by having nothing more to do with this outlaw state.”[2] This position was later endorsed by Stephane Hessel, co-author of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Holocaust survivor and former French diplomat.

Many British literary and academic figures published a letter in the Independent that said, “We … appeal to British writers and scholars to boycott all literary, cultural and academic visits to Israel sponsored by the Israeli government, including those organised by Israeli cultural foundations and universities.”

In the world of performing arts, Massive Attack, among other top music bands, refused to perform in Israel in protest over its treatment of the Palestinians; the Klaxons, Gorillaz Sound System, the Pixies and other prominent groups cancelled scheduled concerts there.  World best-selling writer, the Swedish Henning Mankell, who was on the Flotilla when attacked, called for South-Africa style global sanctions against Israel in response to its brutality.

The best-selling US author, Alice Walker, reminded the world of the Rosa Parks-triggered and Martin Luther King-led boycott of a racist bus company in Montgomery, Alabama during the US civil rights movement, calling for wide endorsement of BDS against Israel as a moral duty in solidarity with Palestinians, “to soothe the pain and attend the sorrows of a people wrongly treated for generations.”

In the weeks before the Flotilla attack, artists of the caliber of Elvis Costello, Gil Scott-Heron and Carlos Santana all cancelled scheduled performances in Israel after receiving appeals from Palestinian and international BDS groups.

More recently, Roger Waters explicitly endorsed BDS in a long-awaited article in the Guardian. French singer Vanessa Paradis and German bass-baritone Thoman Quasthoff also cancelled gigs in Israel.

When celebrities of this caliber cancel events in Israel over its human rights record they help to reveal Israel’s true face as a state practicing occupation, settler-colonialism and apartheid and contribute to challenging Israel’s impunity and infringement of international law.

HC: Your new book “BDS – The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights has received high praise from academics and peace activists such as Professor Ilan Pappé, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Nobel Peace Laureate Mairead Maguire, and many others; but how has your book been received by the Israeli community and Israeli leadership in general?

OB: I have no idea, actually.

HC: You lived in America for many years and in fact got your bachelor and masters degrees from Columbia University in New York; you were due to go back to America for a book tour with your new book “BDS – The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights” and yet you have just been denied a visa. Were you given any reasons for the rejection of your visa application and what do you think is the real reason why America is refusing your entry to the States?

OB: My visa was “delayed” for many weeks, rather than denied. All what I was told is that further “administrative process” was required, even after the visa was approved in January, as I was officially informed by the US Consulate in Jerusalem. This long delay was, in the view of my publisher, Haymarket, and myself, politically motivated and deliberately designed to force us to cancel the book tour. One cannot but see direct Israeli influence on this “process” by the US Consulate. After massive letter writing campaigns, called for by Haymarket and also by Jewish Voice for Peace, the visa was issued, days before the scheduled flight to the US. In spite of this, we managed to pull through a very successful book tour that included major US universities, such as Harvard, Columbia, Princeton, Brown, Brandeis, University of Massachusetts-Amherst, and Rutgers. The wonderful resolve, commitment and creativity of Palestine solidarity groups on all these campuses are the key behind this tour’s success.

HC: How would you respond to those people who say that surely their decision to boycott Israeli goods will not make any real tangible difference to Palestinians on the ground because they are “just one person”? Can one person really make a difference when it comes to BDS?

OB: I was also “just one person” in the South African anti-apartheid struggle on my campus, Columbia University, in the 1980’s. I was also told by sceptics, “Stop dreaming! Do you think apartheid will be abolished in your lifetime?” And I always answered: “No, it most likely will not. But I still feel that participating in this struggle is a moral obligation to stand in solidarity with the oppressed.” But apartheid did collapse in South Africa! No one can take that away from me. Collective efforts by many persons can reach a qualitative leap, a tipping point, where the price for maintaining a system of oppression far outweighs its benefits, inducing its eventual undoing.

Besides, I think the foundational principle of international solidarity is to listen to the oppressed themselves, their needs and aspirations, not to think on their behalf, as if we cannot think straight or do not understand what is in our best interest. The latter attitude is colonial and patronizing, par excellence.

HC: In February, the Israeli Knesset voted to approve a bill that essentially criminalizes actions that support boycotts against Israel. If passed, citizens of Israel considered to be supporting BDS could face fines of around (the equivalent of) $8,200; while non-citizens involved in BDS activities in Israel could be banned from entry into Israel for at least 10 years. Surely, this demonstrates the depth of Israel’s fear over the impact of the BDS. How would you respond to Israel’s reaction to the BDS movement?

OB: Israel and its well-oiled lobby groups in the West have tried every trick in their book of vilification, intimidation, bullying and intellectual terror to deter or smear BDS activists and leaders everywhere. So far, they have miserably failed, however, as they themselves sometimes admit. Given its morally consistent, non-violent, human rights based agenda that upholds the rule of international law, full equality for all humans and a categorical rejection of all forms of racism, including anti-Semitism, the global BDS movement has dragged Israel into a “battlefield,” where we maintain decisive ethical superiority and neutralize Israel’s daunting arsenal of weapons, including nuclear weapons.

Having lost the battle for hearts and minds in several key Western states, they have resorted to their ultimate weapon, criminalizing dissent and entirely muzzling debate. This is the logic of this new draconian measure that the far-right Israeli government hopes to pass in the no less fanatic Israeli parliament. Their only problem is pragmatic. If this anti-BDS measure passes into law, Israel will have dropped one of its last veneers or masks of “democracy,” fully exposing itself as an irreparable system of colonial and racist oppression that requires much of the same treatment used against South African apartheid: BDS. Far from deterring BDS or checking its impressive growth, this anti-BDS law may in fact backfire and give a strong boost to BDS around the world. Monitoring the Israeli establishment’s habit of late of shooting itself in the foot, one cannot put it beyond them to pass this law irrespective of the above compelling pragmatic consideration.

Israel and its lobbies are repeatedly saying that BDS, with its emphasis on the three basic Palestinian rights, “de-legitimizes” and seeks the “destruction” of Israel. Specifically, they refer to the second right, the right to full equality for Palestinian citizens of Israel. One can only wonder, if equality “destroys” Israel, what does that say about Israel? Did equality “destroy” South Africa? Did it “delegitimize” whites in the Southern states of the U.S. after segregation was outlawed? The only thing that equality, human rights and justice really destroy is a system of injustice, inequality and racial discrimination. We in the BDS movement are open and quite proud to target Israel’s occupation, apartheid and denial of our UN-sanctioned refugee rights and to pursue the slogans of our movement: Freedom, Justice and Equality.

HC: How do you respond to the criticism that an academic boycott restricts the freedom of speech and scuppers opportunity to debate serious issues in an academic forum?

OB: The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel is a key part of the BDS campaign, due to the entrenched and persistent collusion of Israel’s academic and cultural institutions in maintaining and whitewashing Israel’s occupation and apartheid. It is important to emphasize that our campaign targets Israel’s academic and cultural institutions, not individuals, so the claim that our boycott would prevent Israeli academics or artists from interacting with their counterparts worldwide is simply false and intentionally misleading. Regardless, those who oppose the boycott because they erroneously think it infringes Israelis’ freedom of speech seem to forget that Palestinians, too, deserve that right. The fact that Israel’s decades-long system of colonial oppression denies Palestinians all our fundamental rights, including the right to free speech and often the right to education, appears to be less worthy of those critics’ interest. When Israel criminalized Palestinian education and shut down all Palestinian universities (some for four consecutive years), schools and even kindergartens during the first intifada, which was overwhelmingly peaceful, we did not hear much protest from many of those who are currently attacking the academic boycott because of its alleged impact on Israeli academic freedom. It is this hypocrisy that makes us wonder whether those people truly believe that all humans deserve equal rights, regardless of their identity.

HC: What is next for the BDS movement? Pro-Palestine groups are already doing their best to spread awareness of the campaign by protesting (successfully) outside shops like Ahava (which make beauty products from stolen resources in illegal Israeli settlements on stolen Palestinian land); or by petitioning celebrities not to take part in concerts and award ceremonies in Israel and so on. What is the next big step that BDS campaigners need to take to really see the movement achieve its maximum potential?

OB: We need more of the same, as it is working rather well. The BDS movement is growing impressively since Israel’s deadly attack on the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip (called “prison camp” by British premier). Its main engine is the creativity and moral commitment of many conscientious citizens of the world who are sick and tired of Israel’s impunity and exceptionalism and the role that their own tax money plays in maintaining that unjust, oppressive system. We need even more creativity, perseverance and wide networking to spread the movement further into the mainstream. Based on the three basic rights at the core of the BDS call and on the crucial need to design and implement BDS tactics and strategies at the local level in the most effective, nuanced and context-sensitive fashion, we can expand BDS further into international civil society. While our rights under international law are non-negotiable, implementing the boycott and selecting the most practical targets are certainly decisions to be made by activists on the ground in every particular setting.

The near future will see an increase in divestment campaigns targeting companies benefiting from Israel’s occupation and other violations of international law. The campaign led by Jewish Voice for Peace in the US to pressure the large pension fund, TIAA-CREF, to divest from five companies profiting from Israel’s occupation and crimes is a fine example of a growing trend of BDS activism, especially in the US. The work led by the Palestine Solidarity Campaign in the UK to win trade union support for BDS and to implement effective campaigns in this regard is another example of a very important BDS effort that is particularly promising and inspiring for Palestinians. The huge Anti-Agrexco/Carmel Coalition in France, with partners in Italy, Belgium, Spain, the UK and elsewhere, is a true model of BDS activism that is targeted, smart and quickly evolving based on wide support from civil society. The establishment of the European Platform for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel, with representatives from many Europe-wide campaigns, promises to raise the level of coordination between national campaigns to have more impact on EU policies. The global Derail Veolia/Alstom campaign with its most impressive success of costing Veolia billions of dollars worth of contracts over its involvement in the patently illegal Israeli colonial tram project in the occupied Palestinian territory is perhaps the most significant case study to date in corporate BDS campaigning. The recent decision by the University of Johannesburg to sever its ties with Israel’s Ben Gurion University over the latter’s complicity with the state in violations of international law is arguably the first concrete and practical success for the academic boycott campaign worldwide.

All these and many more examples of BDS successes, from Brazil to India to Norway to Canada underline that our South Africa moment has finally arrived.

Posted in CampaignsComments Off on Omar Barghouti, founding member of BDS movement, calls on celebrities to rally around international campaign to Boycott Israel

Veteran Palestinian academic describes ‘land swap’ as a farce

NOVANEWS

 

01 June 2011

Exclusive interview with Salman Abu Sitta 

Palestinian academic, Dr Salman Abu Sitta, has dismissed the US-Israeli ‘land swap’ proposal as a farce and camouflage for ethnic cleansing.

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW

With Dr. Salman Abu Sitta 

In an exclusive interview with MEMO’s Shazia Arshad, the veteran Palestinian academic, Dr Salman Abu Sitta, has dismissed the US-Israeli ‘land swap’ proposal as a farce and camouflage for ethnic cleansing. The idea has no legal standing and the Palestinians in the West Bank would never allow such an agreement to take place.

Abu Sitta said the 1947 UN partition plan never envisaged or proposed a racial or ethnic country, the type of which the Americans and Israelis are now advocating. The proposal of a Jewish state was based on the idea of a political structure – which would protect the right of the Palestinian inhabitants already living on the land to remain in their homes.

“When land swaps are discussed this historical perspective is usually ignored”. They would, therefore, achieve two things: Israel would exchange lands it does not own and it would again commit acts of ethnic cleansing by supposed legal means.

Interview with Salman Abu Sitta

SA How has the discourse about a land swap developed? How realistic is the idea of a land swap as part of a peace deal?

AB The idea of land swaps is a farce and has no legal standing, given that in 1920 the League of Nations declared that Palestine was a mandate (Type A) and therefore would be an independent country. It was Balfour’s collusion with the Zionists which increased Jewish migration into the country so that the population went from 56,000 to 500,000 but the Jews only owned 5% of the land. America pushed the United Nations to vote for a resolution to partition Palestine which would give the Jewish immigrants 55% of the country and the Arab population just 45%. However, this was a “recommendation” and could only be implemented if both parties agreed to it, which the Arabs did not do. Had they done so, 675,000 Palestinians and their towns and villages would have been under the authority of the Zionist state at that time.

The partition plan never envisaged or proposed a racial or ethnic country – the proposal of a Jewish state was based around the idea of a political structure – which would protect the right of the Palestinian inhabitants already living on the land to remain in their homes. It was Ben Gurion’s now well-known plan for ethnic cleansing to expel the Palestinians from the land that brought about the beginning of the changes to the territorial situation in Palestine. By pushing through the expulsion of Palestinians, Ben Gurion ensured that the nascent state would have as few Palestinian citizens as possible. The Zionists then went further than the partition plan and not only occupied the 55% they had been allocated by the UN but also annexed further lands leading to the occupation of 78% of historic Palestine, bound by the armistice line of 1949.

Although the armistice line is known incorrectly as the Green Line – it is not even a border – it was the lines drawn by the partition plan.

When land swaps are discussed this historical perspective is usually ignored, as is the fact that Israel occupies illegally in excess of 25% more land than it was allocated. Land swaps ignore the fact that the occupation is illegal and if the Israelis refer to the partition plan they should withdraw to those boundaries and allow the return of those Palestinians who were expelled in 1948. When the UN granted Israel membership, it did so under the premise that Israel would follow those conditions.

Hence, when land swaps are discussed it’s a deception, as Israel does not own the land on either side of the armistice line. The exchange of land between two neighbours can only happen if they both legally own the land but this is not just about a “piece of land”, it is also about ethnic cleansing. If land swaps are carried out this would mean the forcible transfer of Palestinians from within Israel and Israeli annexation of the illegal settlements from the West Bank. Land swaps would therefore achieve two things

i) Israel would exchange lands it does not own.
ii) The Israelis would again commit an act of ethnic cleansing by apparently legal means.

SA You referred to the Green Line and said that the lines between the territories are not borders, but as Netanyahu has rejected Obama’s proposal to return to the June 1967 borders, how realistic are land swaps as a starting point if the idea of borders cannot be agreed?

AB 1967 was the last phase of Israel’s illegal occupation, but the main conflict, the actual expulsion of people, started in 1948 and unless they return to this point there will be no resolution to the conflict. Israel’s increasing annexation of land has meant that every time a new piece of land has been annexed the conversation between the two parties refers to the new land; when the previous annexations are mentioned Israel claims that that land is now part of the state. This means that Israel gains some kind of dubious legitimacy for its previous occupations, despite the fact that none of these occupations are recognised in international law.


SA
If land swaps take place how will they effect the Palestinian community on the ground?

AB I do not think that land swaps will ever happen as they are simply a camouflage for ethnic cleansing and the Palestinians in the West Bank would never allow land swaps to be agreed. Israel would never be able to exchange the land that it does not own.


SA
How does the discourse of ethnic cleansing present itself amongst Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?

AB The people who were expelled from the 600 towns and villages in what is now Israel have never been allowed to return and their properties have been taken over by the Israelis. The refugees will never be allowed to return because a return will have to be to the land and property where Israel now exists. When Palestinians agree to recognise the State of Israel they have given away 93% of their land and have forfeited their right to return.

But the right of return is an inalienable individual right and those Palestinians who were forced to leave will never forfeit their right to return.

Furthermore, if land swaps were enacted it would mean that the 1.5 million Palestinians living in Israel would sign away their right to live in their property and their homeland and agree to be moved somewhere else, but I don’t think they would accept that. Those who have left will never give up their right to return and those who are there will not do so either.


SA
How are the younger generations reacting to the discourse that has developed and how do events such as the Nakba Day protests change the reality on the ground?

AB I think that next year’s Nakba march will be much larger and much better organised. The people who are organising these protests are in their twenties and are saying that want to return to their homes; they are saying that they have been deprived of their homes for 23,025 days. Next year will probably see a very large gathering with many world personalities and they will march peacefully to the armistice line to demonstrate to the world that ethnic cleansing is still happening and is still unacceptable.


SA
What would be the geographical effects of land swaps?

AB From 1967 onward the West Bank and Gaza Strip have been occupied territories according to the United Nations, international law and the International Court of Justice. The answer to this is that the land should not remain occupied and the occupiers should leave and compensate the owners for damages and losses caused. However, this has not been done as Israel has had the backing of the United States; without that, Israel would have been forced by the international community to withdraw, just as they forced Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. As they are the legally-defined official occupiers of the Palestinian territories the Israelis have no right to determine which bits of the land they do and do not want; by talking about borders, water, etc., they diffuse the real issue – the war crimes that Israel commits.


SA
What do you think might happen post-September (the possible date of a UN declaration of a Palestinian state)? Would the UN attempt to enforce some form of land swaps?

AB Much of the world has always supported the Palestinian cause, but it is the western, colonial powers which do not. Though Europe is a different case to the US, it is still hypocritical when it comes to Palestine and has not supported the case for Palestine as much as it did, for example, other countries. However, the danger is that in September “we” could agree to a truncated Palestine, which would mean that once the state is created, the right of return will be dropped. This ignores the fact that the right of return is much more fundamental; it is an inalienable right and cannot be given up. The UN has no mandate to give away a country to a third party; the partition plan of 1947 was just a suggestion but Israel will continue to try to hold on to its thread of legitimacy by citing this plan. The colonial powers will try to persuade the Palestinian leaders to accept land swaps so the Palestinians must elect new leaders at the elections for the Palestinian National Council. These will be new leaders who will truly represent Palestinian interests and will not agree to anything but their basic rights. If the UN passes a resolution declaring statehood for Palestine this will then throw up the question of which Palestine and which Israel?


SA
What does the future have in store for Palestine, the Palestinians and the land?

AB There can be no peace until there is justice and justice means that a human being should be allowed to live freely in his home. Israel is preventing Palestinians do that by applying apartheid, employing military power to impose its will against international law, and in the face of historical precedent. Countries which have developed smoothly have only done so by applying rules of justice; a country cannot survive by imposing its will by attacking their neighbours.

Posted in Palestine AffairsComments Off on Veteran Palestinian academic describes ‘land swap’ as a farce

Murdering babies is ”permissible” when they’re Palestinian

NOVANEWS


Alison Weir

CounterPunch

March 17, 2011

US media widely and repeatedly reported on the horrific March 11th murder of three small Israeli children and their parents. While no one yet knows who committed this grotesque act, reports presume that the murderers were Palestinian, and for this reason the incident is receiving major attention. Various heads of state, including President Obama, have condemned it.

If it turns out that the murderer or murderers were Israeli, as some previously presumed “terrorists” have turned out to be, or a foreign worker who had previously threatened the family over unpaid wages, as some reports from the area suggest, it is likely that coverage of the tragic incident will quickly vanish from U.S. headlines.

For now, however, American news reports continue to provide excruciating details about the atrocity. Given the amount of reportage, it is surprising how much significant information is omitted.

For example, none of these reports mention that the location of the murders, Itamar (near Nablus), is an illegal Jewish-only settlement on stolen Palestinian land in the midst of refugees whom Israel pushed off their ancestral land through massacres and ruthless military actions.

Nor do reports mention the frequency with which Israeli settlers beat, occasionally torture, and sometimes murder Palestinians of all ages, burn their crops, and hack down their groves of olive trees, the livelihood of many Palestinian villagers; hundreds, at least, of these trees, have been destroyed by rampaging Israeli settlers.

Religious extremism

Even lengthy articles on the tragic incident fail to mention the extremely relevant and chillingly ironic fact that Itamar was founded and is largely populated by fanatic Jewish extremists, many of whom believe that the killing of non-Jewish infants is religiously permitted, and sometimes mandated, as discussed in a best-selling book The King’s Torah, which was written by authors from the area and endorsed by numerous rabbis and religious schools (but opposed by most Israelis).

In their elaborate descriptions of the murder scene, U.S. articles neglect to mention that the building next door is the house of Chabad Lubavitch emissaries, a Hassidic movement in Orthodox Judaism, and features a photo of the late Lubavitcher Rebbe Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, known for his astoundingly supremacist teachings.

Schneerson is widely revered by such settlers (and his followers in the U.S.); many believed him to have been the messiah. In their book Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel, professors Israel Shahak and Norton Mezvinsky quote Schneerson’s teachings about the differences between Jews and non-Jews:

“… we do not have a case of profound change in which a person is merely on a superior level. Rather, we have a case of ‘let us differentiate’ between totally different species. This is what needs to be said about the body: the body of a Jewish person is of a totally different quality from the body of [members] of all nations of the world…A non-Jew’s entire reality is only vanity…The entire creation [of a non-Jew] exists only for the sake of the Jews…”

Which children matter?

Finally, news reports on the abhorrent Itamar murders fail to mention the frequent, tragic, and equally abhorrent killing of massive numbers of Palestinian children by Israelis.

For example, the Los Angeles Times reported that the Itamar incident was “the deadliest such attack against Jewish settlers in the area since 2002,” but didn’t bother to report that there have been numerous deadly attacks on Palestinians in the area in the intervening years, that dozens of Palestinian minors have been killed, many more injured and maimed, and even more Palestinian mothers, fathers, and grandparents killed.

This viewpoint is typical of U.S. media. Statistical studies show that primetime network news shows report on Israeli children’s deaths at rates up to 14 times greater than they report on Palestinian children’s deaths; regional newspapers report Israeli deaths at even more disproportionate rates.

Palestinian deaths are therefore often virtually invisible to American news consumers, even though they occurred first and are far greater in number.

In the round of violence that began in fall 2000, over 90 Palestinian children were killed before a single Israeli child; in total, approximately 1,500 Palestinian children have been killed by Israelis, and approximately 130 Israeli children have been killed by Palestinians during this period.

Since American media, in stark contrast to coverage of the Itamar victims, so rarely report on Palestinian victims and their weeping families, or provide details of their grisly deaths, at the end of this article is a partial list of these young, largely disappeared victims.

While this very incomplete list does little to balance the moving, detailed reporting on Israeli children’s deaths found in U.S. news media, and completely ignores the even greater number of children grieving for parents killed by Israeli forces, publishing it here at least provides the names of Palestinian victims, a rarity in American media coverage.

A few years ago an Israeli army officer emptied, at close range, the entire magazine of his automatic rifle into a 13-year-old Palestinian girl. Afterward he said he would have done the same even if she had been three years old. Because so many of his underlings reported this particular incident, he was eventually tried in an Israeli military court – but on minor offenses, not murder. He was acquitted of all charges.

It is hard to imagine the feelings of Americans if these were our children and if we were suffering this degree of unbearable loss. The population in the Palestinian Territories is less than 1/90th the population of the U.S.; there is hardly a Palestinian family that has not experienced tragedy.

Because Israel partisans consistently screen out the mass of significant information on this issue, and other editors, perhaps through ignorance, negligence, and/or timidity, go along, Americans receive the kind of highly filtered, lying-through-omission “journalism” that is so effectively creating fear, hatred, and ignorance of Palestinians, Arabs, and Muslims – and that perpetuates the uniquely massive flow of American money to Israel, currently over $8 million per day. Israel, with a population of seven million, is reportedly about to ask for an additional $20 billion.

Regarding the as-yet unsolved murder of three children in Itamar, President Obama pronounced: “There is no justification and there can be neither excuse nor forgiveness for the murder of children. I expect a similar condemnation, and I demand a similar condemnation, from the Palestinian Authority.”

Perhaps someday President Obama will have the integrity – and the courage – to make the same pronouncement about the murders of Palestinian children, and address it to the Israeli government.

A partial list of Palestinian Children Killed by Israelis

This is a partial list of children mostly 13 and under of the approximately 1,500 Palestinian minors killed by Israeli forces from fall 2000 through early 2011. During the same period Palestinians killed about 130 Israeli minors.

The following information is taken from Remember These Children, which works to document all Israeli and Palestinian children who have been killed, in the belief, sadly not shared by the U.S. media, that all of these children matter. In the list below, “IDF” stands for Israeli Defense Forces, an offensive, occupying force; “Incursion” refers to an invasion of Palestinian land by Israeli military forces. The full list is available atwww.RememberTheseChildren.org

Muhammad Saleh Muhammad al-Arja, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by Israeli sniper fire to his head near the Rafah boder crossing.

Math Ahmad Muhammad abu-Hadwan, 11, of Hebron, killed by IDF gunfire to his head in Tel Rumeida.

Abdul-Rahman Khaled Hammouda Khbeish, 4, of Balata refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire to his head.

Obeisi infant girl, of Nablus, died at an IDF checkpoint when her mother was prevented from crossing to reach the hospital.

Muhammad Ismael Hashem Nasr, 10, of Dahyet al-Bareed, near Jerusalem, killed by Israeli settlers.

Isra Ahmad, 11, of Nablus, died at an IDF checkpoint when she was prevented from reaching a hospital.

Mahmoud Ismael al-Darwish, 11, of Dura, near Hebron, killed by IDF shelling to his chest.

Yehya Fathi Muhammad al-Sheikh Eid, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to his face, neck and abdomen.

Iman Muhammad al-Haju, 4 months, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while in her mother’s arms.

Suleiman Sami al-Masri, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his back.

Khalil Ibrahim Muhammad al-Moghrabi, 11, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to his head while playing with a friend near the border with Egypt.

Diya Marwan Hilmi al-Tmeizi, 3 months, of Ithna, near Hebron, killed, with her older brother, by Israeli settler gunfire to her head and back.

Ashraf Khalil Abdul-Minem, 8, of al-Judeidah, near Jenin, killed, with his brother, in an IDF helicopter missile strike during a targeted assassination.

Bilal Khalil Abdul-Minem, 10, of al-Judeidah, near Jenin, killed, with his brother, in an IDF helicopter missile strike during a targeted assassination.

Azhar Said Shalafa, 2, of Rafah, Gaza, died at an IDF checkpoint when her mother was prevented from taking her to the hospital.

Muhammad Subhi abu-Arrar, 14, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF sniper fire to his chest while playing in front of his home.

Inas Samir abu-Zeid, 5, of Rafah, Gaza, killed, with her brother, by IDF shelling.

Suleiman Samir abu-Zeid, 7, of Rafah, Gaza, killed, with his sister, by IDF shelling.

Abdallah Atatrah, 3, of al-Tarm, near Jenin, died at an IDF checkpoint when the car carrying him was prevented from getting to the Yabad medical center after he fell into a swamp.

Khaled Arafat al-Batash, 2, of Hebron, killed by the IDF and Israeli settlers during a gas attack.

Riham Nabil Younis Abul-Ward, 10, of Jenin, killed by IDF gunfire to her head while in her classroom.

Abed-Rabo infant, newborn, of Bethlehem, died at an IDF checkpoint after its mother was denied access to medical care.

Akram Naim Abdul-Karim al-Astal, 6, of Khan Younis refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his brother and three cousins, by an IDF missile while on their way to school.

Anis Idris Muhammad al-Astal, 11, of Khan Younis refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his brother and three cousins, by an IDF missile while on their way to school.

Muhammad Rateb abu-Shahla, 12, of Jenin, killed by IDF shelling to his head.

Shadi Ahmad Abdul-Moti Arafeh, 13, of Hebron, killed in an IDF helicopter missile strike during a targeted assassination.

Burhan Muhammad Ibrahim al-Himuni, 3, of Hebron, killed in an IDF helicopter missile strike during a targeted assassination.

Muhammad Zakin, 8 hours, of Yamoun, near Jenin, died at an IDF checkpoint after his mother was denied access to medical care.

Rami Salahaldeen Muhammad Zurob, 13, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF helicopter fire to his head while playing in front of his house.

Muna Sami Ataya al-Bajasa, 13, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed, with her mother, by IDF tank fire to her head during an incursion.

Mahmoud Hasan Ahmad al-Talalka, 7, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his abdomen near the Nisanit settlement.

Maria Izaldeen abu-Sarieh, 9, of Jenin refugee camp, killed by IDF shelling to her head while in her home during an incursion.

Inas Ibrahim Eisa Saleh, 9, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Feb. 19 from IDF shelling during a targeted assassination.

Muhammad Hussein abu-Kweik, 8, of Amari refugee camp, killed, with his two sisters, by IDF helicopter fire during a targeted assassination.

 

Shaima Izaldeen Ibrahim al-Masri, 7, of Ramallah, killed by IDF helicopter fire during a targeted assassination.

Said Ali Ibrahim Subeih, 12, of Ramallah, died of head wounds sustained Feb. 28 from IDF gunfire.

Muhammad Mamoun Fayez abu-Ali, 10, of Tulkarm refugee camp, died of chest wounds sustained March 7 from IDF gunfire during an incursion.

Amani Odeh Muhammad al-Awawdah, 12, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with her mother, brother, sister and cousin, by an IDF land mine while riding on an animal drawn cart.

Salim Odeh Muhammad al-Awawdah, 10, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his mother, 2 sisters and cousin, by an IDF land mine while riding on an animal drawn cart.

Tariq Muhammad Salman al-Awawdah, 10, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his aunt and three cousins, by an IDF land mine while riding on an animal drawn cart.

Mujahed Arafat abu-Shabab, 2, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling.

Shaima Said Abdul-Rahim Hamad, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained March 15 from IDF gunfire.

Iyad Imad Muhammad al-Mughrabi, 11, of Askar refugee camp, died of head wounds sustained March 17 from IDF gunfire.

Riham Hussam Mustafa abu-Taha, 4, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained March 21 from IDF shelling.

Mahmoud Muhammad Musa abu-Yasin, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, died of abdominal wounds sustained March 12 during a funeral.

Abdullah Samir Omar al-Shubi, 10, of Nablus, killed, with his family of seven, by an IDF missile during an incursion.

Anas Samir Omar al-Shubi, 4, of Nablus, killed, with his family of seven, by an IDF missile during an incursion.

Azzam Samir Omar al-Shubi, 7, of Nablus, killed, with his family of seven, by an IDF missile during an incursion.

Salwa Khaled Dahaliz, 10, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her head near the Rafah Yam settlement.

Sumaya Najeh Abdul-Hadi al-Hasan, 6, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her head.

Isra Ghaleb Othman, 10, of Beitunia, near Ramallah, killed by IDF gunfire to her side.

Ahed Rasmi Ali Hamad, 5, of Hebron, killed by IDF gunfire during an incursion.

Qusay Farah abu-Aisha, 12, of Askar refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire while playing in his yard during an incursion.

Fadel Mahmoud abu-Zuheirah, 9, of Beitunia, near Ramallah, killed by IDF tank fire to his abdomen while in his home during an incursion.

Rifat Bassam Shehada Awad, 12, of Awarta, near Nablus, killed, with his two brothers, by an IDF armored personnel carrier.

Khayri Bassam Shehada Awad, 11, of Awarta, near Nablus, killed, with his two brothers, by an IDF armored personnel carrier.

Faraj Hekmat Udwan, 4, of Awarta, near Nablus, killed by an IDF armored personnel carrier.

Othman Fadel Khaled Masharqah, 7, of Jenin, killed by IDF shelling to his head and limbs during an incursion.

Asad Faysal Ersan Qarini, 10, of Jenin, killed by IDF gunfire to his head and foot during an incursion.

Huda Muhammad Said abu-Shaluf, 12 Januarys, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her head while at home during an incursion.

Fadi Ghassan al-Ajlouni, 8, of Hebron, killed by IDF gunfire.

Abed Khaled Muhammad Ismael, 11, of Artas, near Bethlehem, killed by IDF gunfire.

Abeer Muhammad Yousef Zakarna, 3, of Qabatiya, near Jenin, killed, with her brother and mother, by IDF shelling to her limbs.

Basel Muhammad Yousef Zakarna, 4, of Qabatiya, near Jenin, killed, with his sister and mother, by IDF shelling to his back.

Tamer Khaled Mahmoud abu-Siriyye, 10, of Tulkarm, killed by IDF tank fire to his chest while throwing stones.

Salem Sami Salem al-Shaer, 15, of Rafah, Gaza, died of back wounds sustained May 7, with his brother, from IDF gunfire during an incursion.

Anwar Elian Saleh abu-Said, 12, of Juhor al-Deek, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling.

Hussein Eid Hassan al-Matwi, 8, of al-Maghraqa, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to his heart near his home.

Abdul-Samad Hashem Shamlakh, 10, of Gaza City, killed by IDF gunfire to his head while in his home during an incursion.

Ahmad Yousef Abdul-Aziz al-Ghazawi, 9, of Jenin, killed by IDF tank fire.

Fares Hussam Fares al-Sadi, 13, of Jenin, killed by the IDF when his neighbor’s house was blown up.

Sjoud Ahmad Turki Fahmawi, 6, of Jenin, killed by IDF tank fire to her chest and left arm during an incursion.

Jamil Yousef Abdul-Aziz al-Ghazzawi, 12, of Jenin, died of leg and thigh wounds sustained June 21, with his brother, from IDF tank fire.

Bassam Ghassan Ragheb al-Sadi, 6, of Jenin refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest.

Muhammad Shteiwi, 12, of Fara refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest.

Anwar Muhammad Kamal al-Hindi, 2, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed, with her mother, by IDF gunfire to her head.

Shukri Fayq Abdel-Haj Daoud, 10, of Qalqilya, died of head wounds sustained June 27 from IDF gunfire during curfew.

Ahmad Said Abdul-Jawad abu-Radaha, 7, of Amari refugee camp, killed by an IDF bomb.

Muhammad Mahmoud al-Huwaiti, 3, of Gaza City, killed, with his brother, in an IDF airstrike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Subhi Mahmoud al-Huwaiti, 5, of Gaza City, killed, with his brother, in an IDF airstrike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Ayman Raed Matar, 18 Januarys, of Gaza City, killed, with his brother, sister and cousins, in an IDF airstrike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Dina Raed Matar, 2 Januarys, of Gaza City, killed, with her brothers and cousins, in an IDF airstrike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Muhammad Raed Matar, 4, of Gaza City, killed, with his siblings and cousins, in an IDF airstrike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Dunia Rami Matar, 5, of Gaza City, killed, with her cousins, in an IDF airstrike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Ala Muhammad Matar, 11, of Gaza City, killed, with his cousins, in an IDF airstike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Ahmad Muhammad al-Shawa, 5, of Gaza City, killed, with his father, in an IDF airstike while at home during the targeted assassination of Salah Shehada.

Asma Tahseen Ahmad Ahmad, 9, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her back while playing in her front yard.

Hamzeh Muhammad Badawi Dweikat, 13, of Balata, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest and neck while in his home during curfew.

Ayman Atiya abu-Mugheiseb, 12, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained Aug. 7 from IDF gunfire while in his backyard.

Ayman Bassam Nadid Fares, 6, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head while in his field near the Ganei Tal settlement.

Jihad Musa Muhammad al-Athra, 6, of Yatta, Hebron, killed by an Israeli settler vehicle. Bahira Borhan Mefleh Daraghma, 7, of Tubas, killed, with her cousin, by an IDF missile strike during an assassination attempt.

Abdul-Salam Fawzi Abdul-Rahman Samreen, 11, of al-Bireh, killed by IDF gunfire to his abdomen during curfew.

Rawan Murad Eisa Hrezian, 3 days, of Hebron, died at an IDF checkpoint.

Rami Kahlil Ibrahim al-Barbari, 12, of Nablus, killed by IDF tank fire to his head during curfew.

Mahmoud Hamza Ahmad Zaghloul, 11, of Nablus, killed by IDF shelling to his heart. Thaer Salah al-Hout, 12, of Rafah refugee camp, killed by IDF tank fire to his head during an incursion.

Shaima Kamal Yousef abu-Shamaleh, 8, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to her head while in her home during an incursion.

Nafez Khaled Mashal, 2, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his abdomen.

Muhammad Rifat abu-Naja, 9, of Rafah, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Oct. 17 from IDF gunfire.

 

Hamed Asad Hasan al-Masri, 2, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to his chest.

Jihad Tahseen Darweesh al-Faqih, 8, of Nablus, killed by IDF gunfire to his heart during an incursion.

Fawaregh infant, newborn, of Masarah, near Bethlehem, died at an IDF checkpoint after his mother was delayed on her way to the Bethlehem hospital.

Infant, Newborn, of Tel, near Nablus, killed by IDF gunfire.

Nada Kamal Muhammad Mahdi, 11, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her chest while at home.

Hanin Saud abu-Sita, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her pelvis. Hanin Abdul-Kader Saleh abu-Suleiman, 8, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her head.

Abdul-Rahman Samer abu-Bakr, 10, of Nablus, died at an IDF checkpoint after he was prevented from reaching medical care.

Iyad Salim Othman abu-Shaer, 12, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, died of neck wounds sustained Dec. 24 from IDF gunfire.

Ali Taleb Ghreiz, 8, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to his head. Mustafa Ibrahim abu-Adwan, 10, of Khan Younis, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained Feb. 7 from IDF shelling.

Aref Omar Afif Bisharat, 13, of Tammun, near Tubas, died of head wounds sustained Feb. 5 from IDF gunfire while throwing stones.

Husni Majdi al-Ghul, 8, of Qalqilya, killed by Israeli border police gunfire to his chest during an incursion.

Abdul-Rahman Mustafa Ali Jadallah, 9, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head during a funeral.

Ilham Ziad Hassan al-Assar, 4, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her abdomen and left foot during an incursion.

Christine George Antoine Sada, 10, of Aida refugee camp, killed by undercover IDF gunfire to her head and chest while riding in a car with her family during a targeted assassination.

Anas Jihad al-Kahlout, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head.

Amir Ahmad Muhammad Ayyad, 2, of Gaza City, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest and abdomen during an incursion.

Elian Saad Elian al-Bashiti, 18 months, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to his head.

Tamer Nizar Fathi Arar, 11, of Salfit, killed by IDF sniper fire to his head during a demonstration.

Afnan Yasser Muhammad Taha, 1, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with her mother, in an IDF helicopter missile strike during the targeted assassination of her father.

Amal Nimer Salem al-Jarusha, 8, of Gaza City, died of wounds sustained June 10 in an IDF helicopter missile strike while playing in her yard during a targeted assassination.

Muhammad Sharif Jawdat Kabaha, 3, of Barta al-Sharkiya, near Jenin, killed by IDF tank fire to his head while waiting in a car with his family at a checkpoint.

Aya Mahmoud Noman Fayyad, 9, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to her chest while in her home.

Sana Jamil al-Daour, 9, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, died of head and neck wounds sustained Aug. 26 from IDF helicopter fire during a targeted assassination.

Thaer Monsur Noman al-Sayouri, 9, of Hebron, killed by IDF tank fire to his head while in his home during an incursion.

Muhammad Ayman Yousef Ibrahim, 7, of Tulkarm refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest during a targeted assassination.

Ibrahim Ahmad Frej al-Qreinawi, 10, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his abdomen while with his family in their yard during an incursion.

Atwa Yousef abu-Muhsen, 8, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head during an incursion.

Muhammad Ziad Muhammad Baroud, 12, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF helicopter fire during a targeted assassination.

Muhammad Ismael Elian al-Hamayda, 10, of Deir al-Balah, killed by IDF gunfire to his abdomen while on his way to the mosque during an incursion.

Ahmad Muhanad Nafeh Meri, 11, of Jenin refugee camp, died of head wounds sustained Nov. 8 from IDF gunfire to his head while throwing stones at soldiers demolishing a home in Jenin.

Hani Salem Rabayah, 9, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head and neck.

Muayad Mazen Abdul-Rahman Hamdan, 9, of al-Bireh, killed by IDF gunfire to his head during an incursion.

Latifa, premature, of Deir Balut, near Ramallah, died, with her twin sister, at an IDF checkpoint after her mother was delayed access to medical care.

Moufida, premature, of Deir Balut, near Ramallah, died, with her twin sister, at an IDF checkpoint after her mother was delayed access to medical care.

Iman Samir Darwish al-Hams, 13, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her head, chest, limbs and abdomen on her way to school near the Tal Zarub army post. [An Israeli officer who emptied his entire magazine into her, shooting her 17 times at close range, was acquitted of all charges by an Israeli court. He said that he would have done the same even if she had been three years old. He had been charged with minor offences.]

Tariq Majdi Abdul-Muati al-Sousi, 11, of Gaza City, killed by IDF helicopter fire while being driven home from school during a targeted assassination.

Motaz Nafez Hussein al-Sharafi, 11, of Gaza City, died of neck and head wounds sustained Feb. 28 from IDF helicopter fire during a targeted assassination.

Mahmoud Abdullah Hasan Younis, 10, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF sniper fire.

Fatma Muhammad Sharifi al-Jaled, 7, of Khan Younis, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained March 19 from IDF gunfire to her head while playing in her yard with friends.

Khaled Maher Zaki Walwil, 6, of Balata refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire to his neck while looking out of a window in his home during an incursion.

Iman Muhammad Khalil Talbiyeh, 12, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her head while in her kitchen.

Muna Hamdi Shehada abu-Tabak, 10, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her abdomen and left arm while on her way home.

Asma Ali abu-Qaliq, 4, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by IDF tear gas.

Ahmad Muhammad Ali al-Mughayer, 10, of Rafah, Gaza, killed, with his sister, by IDF sniper fire to his head while feeding birds on the roof of his home.

Mahmoud Tariq Mahmoud Monsur, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile during a peaceful demonstration near the Tal Zorub military post.

Mubarak Salim Mubarak al-Hashash, 11, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile during a peaceful demonstration near the Tal Zorub military post.

Walid Naji Said abu-Qamr, 12, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile during a peaceful demonstration near the Tal Zorub military post.

Iyad Muhammad Afana, 13, of Gaza City, died of head wounds sustained May 11 from IDF gunfire during an incursion.

Tamer Younis al-Arja, 3, of Rafah, Gaza, died of a heart attack from IDF shelling.

Hamed Yasin Hamed Bahlul, 16, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF helicopter fire near the zoo.

Islam Muhammad Mahmoud Husniya, 13, of Fawwar refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire to his head while throwing stones during a demonstration against the Israeli incursion in Rafah.

Rawan Muhammad Said abu-Zid, 4, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her head and neck while going to the store with her big sister to buy candy.

Hani Mahmoud Khaled Kandil, 13, of Nablus, killed by IDF gunfire to his head at close range during an incursion.

Omar Muhammad Awad abu-Zaran, 12, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire near his home.

Ihab Abdul-Karim Ahmad Shatat, 9, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to his chest while walking to the grocery store.

Safah al-Shaer, 4, of Rafah, Gaza, died of wounds sustained July 1 from IDF gunfire. Samr Omar Hasan Fawju, 3, of Rafah, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained July 8 from IDF gunfire while standing near her home.

Ali Abdul-Rahim Ashraf abu-Alba, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF helicopter fire to his abdomen during an incursion.

Khaled Jamal Salim al-Asta, 8, of Hosh al-Jitan, near Nablus, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest while in his home.

Munir Anwar Muhammad al-Daqs, 10, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by Israeli tank fire to his chest near his home during an incursion.

Maram Moufid Abdul-Aziz al-Nahleh, 11, of Nablus, killed by IDF gunfire to her face while at home during an incursion.

Raghdah Adnan Abdul-Muati al-Asar, 9, of Khan Younis refugee camp, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained Sept. 7 from IDF sniper fire while sitting at a desk in her United Nations-administered school near the Neve Dekalim settlement.

Saber Ibrahim Iyad Asaliya, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his back while trying to escape during an incursion.

Luay Ayman Muhammad al-Najjar, 4, of Khuza, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to his head while playing near his home during an incursion.

Iman Samir Darwish al-Hams, 13, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her head, chest, limbs and abdomen on her way to school near the Tal Zarub army post.

Samah Samir Omar Nasr Musleh, 10, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to her abdomen at the entrance to her home.

Ghadir Jaber Hussein Mukhemar, 9, of Khan Younis refugee camp, Gaza, died of chest wounds sustained Oct. 12 from IDF gunfire while in her classroom at a United Nations-administered school.

Hisham Hassan Husni Ashour, 10, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his chest at a neighborhood gathering.

Rania Iyad Ahmad Aram, 7, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her neck while preparing to leave for school from her home near the Nouria army post.

Rana Omar Abdul-Hadi Siyam, 8, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire while eating lunch in her home near the Neve Dekalim settlement.

Mahmoud Kamel Muhammad Ghaben, 12, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with two brothers and three cousins, by IDF shelling while tending their family’s land.

Rajeh Ghassan Kamal Ghaben, 10, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with five cousins, by IDF shelling while tending their family’s land.

Omar Ramadan Muhammad al-Qrenawi, 6, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained Jan. 13 by IDF tank fire during an incursion.

Rahma Ibrahim Musa abu-Shams, 3, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her head while eating breakfast in her home near the Tal Katif settlement.

Ahmad Ismael Muhammad al-Khatib, 12, of Jenin refugee camp, died in an Israeli hospital of head and abdominal wounds sustained Nov. 3 from IDF gunfire while carrying a toy gun. Ahmed’s organs, donated by his father, saved the lives of three Israeli children and a 54-year-old Israeli woman.

Aya Muhammad Suleiman al-Astal, 9, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire near the Kissufim crossing.

 

Raed Ahmad Adel al-Batash, 11, of Gaza City, killed, with his brother, by an IDF missile during a targeted assassination.

Akaber Abdul-Rahman Izzat Zayd, 9, of Yamoun, near Jenin, killed by IDF gunfire to her head while riding in her uncle’s car to get medical stitches removed during an incursion.

Bilal Iyad Muhammad abul-Einein, 5, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile during the targeted assassination of his father.

Hadeel Muhammad Rabih Abdullah Ghaben, 8, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling to her head while doing homework in her home.

Muhanad Hamdi Farouq Aman, 6, of Gaza City, killed, with his mother and aunt, by an IDF missile during a targeted assassination.

Haithem Ali Eisa Ghalya, 5 months, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his mother, father and four sisters, by IDF shelling from an offshore warship while having a family picnic at Waha beach.

Hanadi Ali Eisa Ghalya, 18 months, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with her mother, father, brother and three sisters, by IDF shelling from an offshore warship while having a family picnic at Waha beach.

Sabrin Ali Eisa Ghalya, 4, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with her mother, father, brother and three sisters, by IDF shelling from an offshore warship while having a family picnic at Waha beach.

Maher Ashraf Farouq al-Mughrabi, 8, of Gaza City, killed, with his brother and father, by an IDF missile while gathered at the site of a targeted assassination.

Samia Mahmoud Ziad al-Sharif, 5, of Gaza City, killed by an IDF missile while going to her local grocery store during a targeted assassination attempt.

Muhammad Jamal Shukri Ruqa, 6, of Gaza City, killed by an IDF missile while going to his local grocery store during a targeted assassination attempt.

Majzarah Shaban Abdul-Qader Ahmad, 12 hours, of Khan Younis, Gaza, killed, with her mother and uncle, by an IDF missile during a targeted assassination attempt.

Anwar Ismael Abdul-Ghani Atallah, 12, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained July 5 from IDF gunfire.

Rawan Farid Shaban Hajaj, 6, of Gaza City, killed, with her older brother, while in their home when the IDF bombed their neighborhood gas station.

Walid Mahmoud Ahmad El-Zeinati, 12, of Gaza City, died of wounds sustained July 6 in an IDF missile strike.

Huda Nabil Abdul-Latif abu-Salmeya, 13, of Gaza City, killed, with her parents, two brothers and four sisters, in IDF airstrikes on their family home.

Iman Nabil Abdul-Latif abu-Salmeya, 12, of Gaza City, killed, with her parents, two brothers and four sisters, in IDF airstrikes on their family home.

Yehya Nabil Abdel-Latif abu-Salmeya, 10, of Gaza City, killed, with his parents, brother and five sisters, in IDF airstrikes on their family home.

Aya Nabil Abdel-Latif abu-Salmeya, 9, of Gaza City, killed, with her parents, two brothers and four sisters, in IDF airstrikes on their family home.

Nasrallah Nabil Abdul-Latif abu-Salmeya, 7, of Gaza City, killed, with his parents, brother and five sisters, in IDF airstrikes on their family home.

Nadi Habib Abdullah al-Attar, 10, of Atatra, near Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his grandmother, by IDF shelling while riding on an animal-drawn cart.

Khitam Muhammad Rebhi Tayeh, 11, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while on her way to the grocery store.

Bara Ahmad Hussein Habib, 2, of Gaza City, killed by an IDF missile fired from a drone to his head and abdomen during a targeted assassination.

Shahid Samir Ata Oukal, 8 months, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with her sister and mother, by IDF shelling.

Maria Samir Ata Oukal, 5, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with her sister and mother, by IDF shelling.

Anis Salem Jadua abu-Awad, 11, of Rafah, Gaza, killed in an IDF airstrike.

Shahed Saleh Omar al-Sheikh Eid, 3 days, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling. Raja Salam abu-Shaban, 3, of Gaza City, killed by an IDF missile.

Nidal Abdul Aziz al-Dahdouh, 14, of Gaza City, killed by IDF sniper fire.

Hussam Ahmad Muhammad al-Sarsawi, 12, of Gaza City, died of wounds sustained Aug. 27 from IDF tank fire.

Iman Usama Fadel al-Harazin, 2, of Gaza City, killed in an IDF airstrike while walking with her father.

Suhaib Adel Zerei Mahmoud Qudaih, 13, of Abasan al-Kabira, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while in his home.

Bara Riyad Muhammad Fayyad, 4, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Nov. 1 from IDF shelling of his home.

Saad Majdi Said al-Athamna, 8, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with 16 family members, by IDF shelling while asleep at home.

Mahmoud Amjad al-Athamna, 12, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with 16 family members, by IDF shelling while asleep at home.

Maram Ramez Masoud al-Athamna, 2, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with 16 family members, by IDF shelling while asleep at home.

Maisa Ramez Masoud al-Athamna, 6 months, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with 16 family members, by IDF shelling while asleep at home.

Abdul-Aziz Salman Muhammad Salman, 10, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by IDF tank fire to his abdomen while playing by al-Zawia mosque.

Ayman Abdul Qader abu-Mahdi, 10, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, died of head wounds sustained Nov. 25 from IDF gunfire while playing near his home.

Jamil Abdul-Karim Jamil Jabji, 5, of Askar refugee camp, killed by IDF gunfire from a jeep to his head while throwing stones.

Abir Bassam Abed-Rabo al-Aramin, 10, of Anata, near Jerusalem, died of head wounds sustained Jan. 17 from an IDF percussion grenade while in her schoolyard during a demonstration against the annexation wall.

Saifadeen Said Khalil Jundiyah, 9, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling from a tank while sitting in front of his home during an incursion.

Ahmad Iyad Hiles, 16, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed by an IDF shell during an incursion.

Ibrahim Ali abu-Nahl, 16 months, died of heart disease at the Erez checkpoint, after Israel denied him entry for treatment at Ichilov Hospital in Tel Aviv.

Sana Muhammad Yusuf al-Hajj, 6 months,died of kidney disease at al-Nasr Pediatric Hospital in Gaza City, which lacked a necessary pediatric dialysis unit, after Israel denied her entry for medical treatment.

Amir Shahir Abdullah al-Yazji, 9, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of meningitis at al-Nasr Pediatric Hospital in Gaza City, which lacked necessary vaccines, after Israel denied him entry for treatment at Ichilov Hospital in Tel Aviv. An urgent transfer request, submitted five days earlier, went unanswered.

Hala Rohi Muhammad Zanoun, 3 months, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, died of a heart defect and severe skin infections at the European Hospital in Khan Younis, which lacked necessary medical equipment, after Israel denied her entry for treatment at Sheba Medical Center at Tel Hashomer.

Razan Muhammad Kamel Atallah, 6, of Rafah, Gaza, died of cerebral atrophy, after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Yusuf Iyad abu-Maryam, 5, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of cancer after Israel denied him entry to receive medical treatment. Because hospitals in Gaza lacked necessary equipment to administer chemotherapy, the Palestine Ministry of Health had requested transfer to an Israeli hospital on Oct. 11.

Ibrahim abu-Jazar, 2, of Rafah, Gaza, died of an unspecified illness after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Shirin Ismail Abdullah abu-Shawareb, 11, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, died of heart problems at al-Nasr Pediatric Hospital in Gaza City, which lacked necessary equipment, after Israel denied her entry for medical treatment. Doctors had requested transfer to an Israeli hospital on Dec. 27. On Jan. 10, believing permission for a transfer had been granted, Shirin’s father took her to the Erez checkpoint, where Israel again denied her entry.

Amir Muhammad Hashem Muhammad al-Yazji, 5, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, along with his older brother and uncle, by an IDF missile which struck their car on al-Nafaq Street in the al-Daraj neighborhood of Gaza City.

Hamid Maher abu-Hamda, 90 days, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of an unspecified illness that required medicine not available in the Gaza Strip after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Faten Majdi al-Hafnawi, 10, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of an unspecified illness after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Tamer Muhammad Abdul-Riziq abu-Shar, 9, of Wadi al-Salqa, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head while he and his family attempted to flee their home during an incursion.

Said Muhammad Said al-Aidi, 2, of Rafah, Gaza, died of a congenital liver defect after he was denied permission by Israel to return to Abul-Rish Hospital for Children in Cairo for medical treatment. Treatment at the hospital had begun in December 2006 and required Said to return again in six months.

Shihab Muhammad Khleif, 20 days, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of a heart defect after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Muhammad Amin abu-Watfa, 12, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of a brain hemorrhage after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Muhammad Khalil Suleiman Hamada, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF missiles from a helicopter while standing near an abandoned Palestinian rocket launcher.

Muhammad Nasr Abdul-Aziz al-Boray, 7 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by shrapnel from IDF missiles to his head and chest while in his home when IDF aircraft destroyed the neighboring Ministry of Interior building. Muhammad was the only child of parents who struggled with infertility for five years before he was born.

Muhammad Naim Mahmoud Hamuda, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF missile fire from a helicopter while playing soccer near his home with friends.

Ali Munir Muhammad Dardunah, 6, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his first cousin and a distant cousin, by IDF missile fire from a helicopter while playing soccer near his home with friends.

Dardunah Deeb Khalil Dardunah, 10, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF missile fire from a helicopter while playing soccer near his home with friends.

Salwa Zaidan Muhammad Ghali Assaliya, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with her older sister, by an IDF missile while in her home.

Salsabeel Majid Muhammad abu-Jalhoum, 2, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while in the garden of her home.

Nael Zuhair Shukri abu-Oun, 12, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while standing in the street with friends.

Amira Khaled Faraj abu-Aser, 20 days, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her head while in the home of family friends in Deir al-Balah during an incursion.

Iman Amin al-Safi, 4, of Khan Younis, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Salsabeel Ibrahim Tabasi, 9 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of acute pneumonia after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Yusuf Wasim Mushtaha, 2 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of kidney disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Muhammad Ihab Haniya, 14 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of a heart defect after Israel denied him permission four times to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment for “security reasons” and threatened to destroy his medical file if additional requests were made.

Bashir Omar Hamou, 6 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Nuralhuda Khamis al-Kilani, 7 months, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, died of an unspecified illness after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Muhammad Ziad al-Ajala, 63 days, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of an atrioventricular septal heart defect at al-Nasr Pediatric Hospital in Gaza City after he was twice denied entry to Israel to receive medical treatment.

Bayan Samir Mahmoud al-Khalidi, 13, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while trying to help wounded people during an incursion in Juhor al-Deek, near Deir al-Balah, Gaza.

Ahmad Aref Frajallah Frajallah, 13, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF tank shell during an incursion in Juhor al-Deek, near Deir al-Balah, Gaza. The shell also killed Fadel Shana, a Palestinian journalist working for Reuters.

Ghassan Khaled Salama abu-Otaiwi, 12, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF tank shell during an incursion in Juhor al-Deek, near Deir al-Balah, Gaza. The shell also killed Fadel Shana, a Palestinian journalist working for Reuters.

Miriam Mustafa Hassan Marouf, 15, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to her chest and abdomen as she fled her home, which was under IDF siege during an arrest operation that targeted her father.

Masad Ahmad Eid Hassan abu-Metiq, 1, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with his mother, brother and two sisters, by shrapnel from an IDF missile while eating breakfast in his home during a targeted killing.

Hana Ahmad Eid Hassan abu-Metiq, 3, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with her mother, sister and two brothers, by shrapnel from an IDF missile while eating breakfast in her home during a targeted killing.

Rudeina Ahmad Eid Hassan abu-Metiq, 4, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with her mother, sister and two brothers, by shrapnel from an IDF missile while eating breakfast in her home during a targeted killing.

Saleh Ahmad Eid Hassan abu-Metiq, 5, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with his mother, brother and two sisters, by shrapnel from an IDF missile while eating breakfast in his home during a targeted killing.

Nasim al-Biouk, 4 months, of Rafah, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Asmahan Rafiq al-Jaal, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of a brain tumor after Israel denied her entry to receive medical treatment.

Yusuf Muhammad Zakut, 2 days, died of an unspecified illness at al-Nasr Pediatric Hospital in Gaza City, which lacked necessary equipment, after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Salwa Nahed abu-Tawahin, 8 months, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, died of blood cancer at Shuhada al-Aqsa Hospital in Deir al-Balah, which lacked necessary equipment, after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment. The permit request was submitted twenty days prior to her death.

Majid Ziad Muhammad Okal, 11, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while playing near a Palestinian rocket launching site.

Ward Hashim Sabiha, 10 days, died of kidney disease at al-Shifa Hospital in Gaza City, which lacked necessary medicine, after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Sujud Khalil al-Farra, 1 week, died, with her sister, of an unspecified illness at al-Naser Hospital in Khan Younis, Gaza, which lacked the necessary drug “Alservictant,” due to Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip. A third triplet sister died two days later.

Faiza Khalil al-Farra, 1 week, died, with her sister, of an unspecified illness at al-Naser Hospital in Khan Younis, Gaza, which lacked the necessary drug “Alservictant,” due to Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip. A third triplet sister died two days later.

Saja Khalil al-Farra, 1 week, died, two days after two triplet sisters, of an unspecified illness at al-Naser Hospital in Khan Younis, Gaza, which lacked the necessary drug “Alservictant,” due to Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip.

Aya Hamdan Hamdan al-Najjar, 8, of Khuza, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while playing near her home.

Hadeel Abdul-Karim Suleiman al-Sumairi, 8, of al-Qarara, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while playing near her home.

Hamada Saleh Hamada, 4 months, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Hasan abu-Mamar, 17, of Khan Younis, Gaza, died of cancer after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Ayat Anwar Daheik, 8 months, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Hadeel Jawad al-Haddad, 19 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of heart disease six months after undergoing open-heart surgery at a Gazan hospital, which was not equipped to provide necessary post-operative care, and after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Imad Ismail al-Oweini, 6, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, died of kidney disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Wasim Iyad Hamdan, 10 months, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, died of an unspecified illness after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Ahmad Nabil al-Buhairi, 11, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Ahmad Husam Yusuf Musa, 11, of Nileen, near Ramallah, killed by IDF gunfire to his head during a demonstration against the annexation wall.

Ahmad Eid abu-Amra, 3 months, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied him entry to receive medical treatment.

Ali al-Dahdouh, 27 days, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

al-Mutasim Bila Muhammad Jundiya, 2, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of cerebral palsy after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

 

Muhammad Ala al-Sarhi, 5 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of heart disease after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Abu-Rideh infant boy, of Nablus, died at an IDF checkpoint while his mother was prevented from reaching the hospital for more than forty minutes.

Hadi al-Hassainah, 3, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of protein deficiency in his brain after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Muhammad Ramzi al-Imawi, 18 months, of Jabalya, Gaza, died of cerebral atrophy after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Odeh Saleh Abdul-Al, 7, of Rafah, Gaza, died of a heart and lung disorder after he was denied permission by Israel to return to Ichilov Hospital in Tel Aviv for medical treatment.

Abdul-Rahman Hani Akram Khuziq, 10 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of cerebral atrophy after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Tamer Hassan Ali al-Akhras, 5, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Kamilia Rafat al-Bardini, 13, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Deir al-Balah.

Yahya Ibrahim Farouq al-Hayek, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s Tal al-Hawa neighborhood.

Ahmad Riyad Muhammad al-Sinwar, 3, of al-Zahra City, near Deir al-Balah, Gaza, killed by the IDF in al-Zahra City, near Deir al-Balah.

Uday Abdul-Hakim Rajab Mansi, 6, of Deir al-Balah, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Deir al-Balah.

Samar Anwar Khalil Balousha, 6, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with four sisters, by an IDF missile while sleeping in her home.

Dina Anwar Khalil Balousha, 7, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with four sisters, by an IDF missile while sleeping in her home.

Jawaher Anwar Khalil Balousha, 8, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with four sisters, by an IDF missile while sleeping in her home.

Ibtihal Abdullah Tawfik Kishku, 8, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her older sister-in-law, by an IDF missile while in her home.

Muath Yasir al-Abed abu-Teir, 6, of Abasan al-Kabira, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Abasan al-Kabira.

Mahmoud Nabil Deeb Ghabayen, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, killed by the IDF near the Zemu roundabout in the northern Gaza Strip.

Sidqi Ziad Mahmoud al-Absi, 4, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, by an IDF missile while in his home.

Ahmad Ziad Mahmoud al-Absi, 12, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, by an IDF missile while in his home.

Wisam Akram Rabi Eid, 12, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by the IDF near the Zemu roundabout in the northern Gaza Strip.

Mahmoud Nabil Deeb Ghabayen, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, killed by the IDF near the Zemu roundabout in the northern Gaza Strip.

Lama Talal Shehada Hamdan, 4, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with her sister, by an IDF missile strike while standing near her home in the al-Rayes area of Beit Hanoun. Her brother died the next day from injuries sustained during the attack.

Haya Talal Shehada Hamdan, 12, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with her sister, by an IDF missile strike while standing near her home in the al-Rayes area of Beit Hanoun. Her brother died the next day from injuries sustained during the attack.

Muhammad Majed Ibrahim Kabar, 17, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by the IDF near the Zemu roundabout in the northern Gaza Strip.

Ismail Talal Shehada Hamdan, 9, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Dec. 30 in an IDF missile strike which also killed two of his sisters.

Al-Muez Ledinallah Jihad al-Nasla, 3, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with his sister, by IDF bombs while on his way to the market in the al-Nada apartment buildings near a water reservoir in Izbat Beit Hanoun.

Asad Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 2, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, his father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of his father.

Aisha Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 2, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, her father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of her father.

Halima Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 5, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, her father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of her father.

Reem Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 4, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, her father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of her father.

Abdul-Rahman Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 6, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, his father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of his father.

Maryam Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 5, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, her father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of her father.

Abdul-Qader Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, his father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of his father.

Ayah Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with nine siblings, her father, mother, two stepmothers, and nephew, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of her father.

Usama Zaid Nizar Abdul-Qader Rayan, 3, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with four uncles, five aunts, his grandfather, and other relatives, by an IDF missile strike during the targeted assassination of his grandfather.

Muhammad Iyad Abed-Rabo al-Astal, 12, of al-Qarara, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed, with his brother and distant cousin, by an IDF missile fired from a drone, on their return home from picking sugar cane at a nearby field. Two of the boys died at the scene, while the third died on his way to the hospital.

Abed-Rabo Iyad Abed-Rabo al-Astal, 8, of al-Qarara, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed, with his brother and distant cousin, by an IDF missile fired from a drone, on their return home from picking sugar cane at a nearby field. Two of the boys died at the scene, while the third died on his way to the hospital.

Abdul-Satar Walid Abdul-Rahim al-Astal, 10, of al-Qarara, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed, with two distant cousins, by an IDF missile fired from a drone, on their return home from picking sugar cane at a nearby field. Two of the boys died at the scene, while the third died on his way to the hospital.

Muhammad Musa Ismail al-Silawi, 10, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with 14 others, by an IDF missile fired from a drone at a mosque in Jabalya refugee camp during sunset prayers.

Hani Muhammad Musa al-Silawi, 6, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with 14 others, by an IDF missile fired from a drone at a mosque in Jabalya refugee camp during sunset prayers.

Ziad Muhammad Selmi abu-Snaima, 10, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while in the streets of al-Nasr, near Rafah.

Baha Muayad Kamal abu-Wadi, 8, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Asma Ibrahim Husain Afana, 12, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Omar Mahmoud al-Baradei, 12, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s Tal al-Hawa neighborhood.

Isra Qusay Muhammad al-Habbash, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her cousin, by an IDF missile while at home in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Shatha al-Abed Muhammad al-Habbash, 10, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her cousin, by an IDF missile while at home in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Farah Amar Fuad al-Helu, 1, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her grandfather, by IDF gunfire while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Mahmoud Khaled Eleyan al-Mashharawi, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Daraj neighborhood.

Suheir Ziad Ramadan al-Nimr, 11, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her brother, by IDF shelling while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Mahmoud Sami Yahya Asaliya, 3, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by an IDF shell while in his home.

Ibrahim Kamal Subhi Awaja, 9, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Beit Lahya.

Jihad Samir Fayez Erhayem, 9, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Wadi Amin Omar Omar, 3, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Beit Lahya.

Hamza Zuhair Riziq Tantish, 12, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his older brother, by an IDF shell while on the roof of his grandfather’s house in Beit Lahya.

Wiam Jamal Mahmoud al-Kafarneh, 2, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan. 4 in an IDF attack on Beit Hanoun.

Arafat Muhammad Arafat Abdul-Dayem, 12, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by the IDF in an attack on the funeral of his cousin, a paramedic who was killed in the line of duty by the IDF on Jan. 4.

Sayed Amr Riziq Saber abu-Eisha, 12, of Shati refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his father, sister and brother, by an IDF missile while in his home.

Ghaida Amr abu-Eisha, 8, of Shati refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with her father and two brothers, by an IDF missile while in her home.

Muhammad Amr abu-Eisha, 10, of Shati refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his father, sister and brother, by an IDF missile while in his home.

Ayat Yusef Muhammad al-Dufda, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Fatheia Ayman Salim al-Dabbari, 4 months, of Rafah, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling in al-Shouka, near Rafah.

Muamen Mahmoud Talal Allaw, 12, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while in his home.

Nasr Ibrahim Helmi al-Samouni, 5, of Gaza City Gaza, killed with two brothers, an older brother, an uncle, a first cousin, seven distant cousins, and nine other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Muhammad Helmi Talal al-Samouni, 6 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his first cousin, nine distant cousins, and eleven other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Azza Salah Talal al-Samouni, 6, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her first cousin, nine distant cousins, and eleven other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Huda Nael Faris al-Samouni, 7, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two first cousins, eight distant cousins, and eleven other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Rezqa Wael Faris al-Samouni, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with her brother, first cousin, eight distant cousins, and eleven other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Ahmad Helmi Atiyah al-Samouni, 4, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with ten distant cousins and eleven other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Al-Mutasem Bilah Muhammad Ibrahim al-Samouni, 1 month, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with ten distant cousins and eleven other relatives, by IDF bombs while at home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Aya Usama Nayif al-Sersawi, 6, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while in her home in al-Shejaya, near Gaza City.

Muhammad Salam Awad al-Tarfawi, 4, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by the IDF near the al-Je’el gas station on al-Karama street in Jabalya.

Ismail Haider Eleiwa, 7, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two brothers and a sister, by IDF shelling while at home in al-Shejaya, near Gaza City.

Lana Haidar Eleiwa, 10, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with three brothers, by IDF shelling while at home in al-Shejaya.

Muamen Haidar Eleiwa, 12, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two brothers and a sister, by IDF shelling while at home in al-Shejaya.

Mutasem Haidar Eleiwa, 13, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two brothers and a sister, by IDF shelling while at home in al-Shejaya.

Shahid Muhammad Amin Hiji, 3, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Hanadi Basem Kamal Khalifa, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF sniper fire while praying inside her house.

Nada Radwan Naim Mardi, 6, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Beit Lahya’s al-Seyafa neighborhood.

Ahmad Jabr Jabr Hweij, 6, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Dec. 27 during an IDF attack on Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Ahmad Shaher Fayq Khudair, 10, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan 3 in an IDF attack on Beit Lahya’s al-Seyafa neighborhood.

Islam Odeh Khalil abu-Amsha, 12, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed by an IDF tank shell in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Muhammad Iyad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 7 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, three sisters, his parents, paternal grandparents, six first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at his grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Ala Iyad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 7, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with three brothers, two sisters, her parents, paternal grandparents, six first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Ali Iyad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 10, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, three sisters, his parents, paternal grandparents, six first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at his grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Sharafeddin Iyad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 5, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, three sisters, his parents, paternal grandparents, six first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at his grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Raba Iyad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 6, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with three brothers, two sisters, her parents, paternal grandparents, six first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Khitam Iyad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 5 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with three brothers, two sisters, her parents, paternal grandparents, six first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Bara Ramez Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 2, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with a sister, her parents, paternal grandparents, ten first cousins, two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Salsabil Ramez Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 5 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with a sister, her parents, paternal grandparents, ten first cousins two aunts, and an uncle, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Yusif Muhammad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 2, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with three sisters, his mother, paternal grandparents, two aunts, and two uncles, by IDF bombs at his grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Amani Muhammad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 6, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two sisters, a brother, her mother, paternal grandparents, two aunts, and two uncles, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Qamr Muhammad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 5, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two sisters, a brother, her mother, paternal grandparents, two aunts, and two uncles, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Arij Muhammad Fayez Misbah Hashim al-Daia, 3, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with two sisters, a brother, her mother, paternal grandparents, two aunts, and two uncles, by IDF bombs at her grandfather’s home in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Abdul-Jalil Hasan Abdul-Jalil al-Hels, 8, of Shati refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile that struck a police vehicle parked nearby in Shati refugee camp.

Adam Mamoun Saqr Ramadan al-Kurdi, 3, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya refugee camp.

Zakaria Yahya Ibrahim al-Tawil, 5, of Nuseirat refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling at a house in Block 2 of Nuseirat refugee camp.

Muhammad Ata Hasan Azzam, 13, of al-Mughraqa, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his brother and father, by the IDF in al-Mughraqa.

Hassan Ata Hassan Azzam, 20 months, of al-Mughraqa, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his brother and father, by the IDF in al-Mughraqa.

Ibrahim Suleiman Muhammad Baraka, 12, of Bani Sheila, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Bani Sheila.

Mustafa Muin Shafiq Deeb, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, a sister, and a first cousin, by IDF shelling while at home near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp.

Nur Muin Shafiq Deeb, 3, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with two brothers, a sister, and a first cousin, by IDF shelling while at home near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp.

Aseel Muin Shafiq Deeb, 10, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with three brothers and a first cousin, by IDF shelling while at home near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp.

Isam Samir Shafiq Deeb, 13, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with three first cousins, by IDF shelling while at home near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp.

Lina Abdul-Monim Nafez Hasan, 10, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while at home near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp.

Muhammad Basem Ahmad Shaqoura, 9, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while at home near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp.

Marwan Hasan Abdul-Muamin Qdeih, 5, of Abasan al-Kabira, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by an IDF shell near his home in Abasan al-Kabira.

Ranin Abdullah Ahmad Saleh, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya refugee camp.

Shahid Husein Nazmi Sultan, 8, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya refugee camp.

Anas Aref Baraka, 8, of Wadi al-Salqa, near Deir al-Balah, Gaza, died in an Egyptian hospital of head wounds sustained Jan 4. from IDF gunfire in Deir al-Balah.

Abdullah Muhammad Shafiq Abdullah, 11, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan 6. from IDF shelling near al-Fakhoura school in Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza.

Suad Khaled Muhammad Abed-Rabo, 7, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with her sister, by IDF tankfire to her chest after her family, waving white flags, left their home in Izbat Beit Hanoun to search for water.

Amal Khaled Muhammad Abed-Rabo, 2, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed, with her sister, by IDF tankfire to her chest after her family, waving white flags, left their home in Izbat Beit Hanoun to search for water.

Tawfiq Khaled Ismail al-Kahlout, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with a brother, an older brother, father and distant cousin, by an IDF missile while riding in a car through the Beit Lahya Housing Project.

Radwan Muhammad Radwan Ashour, 12, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by an IDF missile in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Abdul-Rahman Muhammad Radwan Ashour, 11, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by an IDF missile in Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Hussam Raed Rizq Subuh, 12, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while standing among a crowd of people in Beit Lahya’s al-Salateen neighborhood.

Basma Yasser Abed-Rabo al-Jilawi, 5, Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by IDF bomb shrapnel in Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza.

Yousef Awni Abdul-Rahim al-Jaru, 2, Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his mother, a Ukranian national, by an IDF tank shell in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Amr Ibrahim Khalil Balousha, 10, of al-Zahra, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed in al-Zahra City.

Bara Iyad Samih Shalha, 7, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in the Beit Lahya Housing Project.

Shahid Saadallah Matar abu-Halima, 18 months, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in the Beit Lahya Housing Project.

Ghainma Sultan Fawzi Halawa, 11, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya.

Ala Ahmad Fathi Jabr, 13, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by IDF tankfire in Jabalya.

Fatima Raed Zaki Jadallah, 11, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while at home in the camp’s Tal al-Zatar area.

Rana Fayez Muhammad Salha, 12, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his mother, two brothers and a sister, by an IDF missile while at home in Beit Lahya.

Baha Fayez Muhammad Salha, 5, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his mother, brother and two sisters, by an IDF missile while at home in Beit Lahya.

Rula Fayez Muhammad Salha, 2, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with her mother, two brothers and a sister, by an IDF missile while at home in Beit Lahya.

Ali Kamal Ali al-Nethur, 11, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by an IDF missile while fleeing an apartment building in Jabalya under IDF attack.

Abdul-Rahman Ahmad Haboush, 4, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Bayan Khaled Ibrahim Khalif, 13, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in the Beit Lahya Housing Project.

Zakaria Hamid Khamis al-Samouni, 8, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan. 4 during an IDF attack on Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Usama Khaled Husein abu-Rajeila, 17, of Khuza, near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling in Khuza.

Amal Najib Muhammad Aloush, 12, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling in Jabalya.

Tasnim Yasir Jabr al-Rafati, 3, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile strike targeting her father while at home in Jabalya.

Faris Talat Asad Hamouda, 2, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s Tal al-Hawa neighborhood.

Haitham Yasir Yousef Marouf, 11, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile in Beit Lahya.

Ayat Kamal Mahmoud al-Bana, 12, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by IDF tankfire in Jabalya.

Fadallah Imad Hasan al-Najjar, 2, of Jablya refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile strike on Jabalya refugee camp.

Nashat Raed al-Firi, 12, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile strike on Jabalya.

Basim Talat Jamil Abdul-Nabi, 12, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by an IDF missile while playing on the site of a demolished house in Jabalya refugee camp.

Qasim Talat Jamil Abdul-Nabi, 7, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by an IDF missile while playing on the site of a demolished house in Jabalya refugee camp.

Muhammad Medhat Harb Eslim al-Bassous, 10, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City Gaza, killed, with his first cousin, by an IDF missile strike near his home in al-Shejaya.

Hamza Saadallah Matar Masoud abu-Halima, 8, of Atatra, near Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with two brothers and his father, by IDF bombs in Beit Lahya.

Ziad Saadallah Matar Masoud abu-Halima, 10, of Atatra, near Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with two brothers and his father, by IDF bombs in Beit Lahya.

Izaldeen Adel Khaled al-Farra, 13, of al-Qarara near Khan Younis, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while riding a bike to his neighborhood store.

Aisha Ibrahim al-Said al-Najjar, 4, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya.

Hadeel Jabr Diab al-Rafati, 9, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya, Gaza.

Khalil Muhammad Musa Bahar, 12, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling in Gaza City’s al-Shaf neighborhood.

Nur Izaldeen Waheed Musa, 15, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while at home in Gaza City’s al-Sabra neighborhood.

Hala Isam Ahmad al-Mnei, 1 month, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan 13 in an IDF attack on Beit Lahya.

Samer Muhammad al-Abd abu-Asr, 17, of al-Shejaya, near Gaza City, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile in al-Shejaya.

Haneen Fadel Muhammad al-Batran, 10, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s Tal al-Hawa neighborhood.

Shaima Adel Ibrahim al-Jadba, 9, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling while at home in Gaza City’s al-Tufah neighborhood.

Bara Ata Hasan al-Ermaliat, 1, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with two sisters and her mother, by IDF shelling in Beit Lahya.

Arij Ata Hasan al-Ermaliat, 2 months, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with two sisters and her mother, by IDF shelling in Beit Lahya.

Husam Muhammad Shaban Eslim, 7, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his brother and first cousin, by an IDF missile strike during a targeted assassination.

Ahmad Muhammad Shaban Eslim, 13, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed, with his brother and first cousin, by an IDF missile strike during a targeted assassination.

Ahmad Usama Muhammad Kurtom, 7, of Gaza City, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Gaza City’s Rimal neighborhood.

Anwar Salman Rushdi Abdul-Hai abu-Eita, 7, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with two cousins and an older relative, by an IDF missile in Beit Lahya.

Malak Salama Abdul-Hai abu-Eita, 3, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with her brother, cousin, and an older relative, by an IDF missile in Beit Lahya.

Ahmad Salama Abdul-Hai abu-Eita, 10, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his sister, cousin, and an older relative, by an IDF missile in Beit Lahya.

Muhammad Atef Muhammad abul-Husni, 12, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Jabalya.

Iman Isa Abdul-Hadi al-Batran, 11, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with her mother, sister, and three brothers, by an IDF missile fired from an Apache helicopter while at home in Bureij refugee camp’s Block 4.

Bilal Isa Abdul-Hadi al-Batran, 6, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his mother, two sisters, and two brothers, by an IDF missile fired from an Apache helicopter while at home in Bureij refugee camp’s Block 4.

Izaldeen Isa Abdul-Hadi al-Batran, 3, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed, with his mother, two sisters, and two brothers, by an IDF missile fired from an Apache helicopter while at home in Bureij refugee camp’s Block 4.

Muhanad Amr Khalil al-Jdeili, 8, of Bureij refugee camp, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile while at home in Bureij refugee camp’s Block 7.

Rawan Ismail Muhammad al-Najjar, 7, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by IDF shelling in Jabalya.

Bilal Muhammad Shehada al-Ashkar, 6, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by IDF shelling near a U.N.-administered school in Beit Lahya.

Muhammad Muhammad Shehada al-Ashkar, 4, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, killed, with his brother, by IDF shelling near a U.N.-administered school in Beit Lahya.

Aseel Munir Matar al-Kafarna, 1, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Beit Hanoun.

Fawzia Fawaz Ahmad Saleh, 5, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with her brother, by IDF shelling in Jabalya.

Ahmad Fawaz Ahmad Saleh, 10, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with his sister, by IDF shelling in Jabalya.

Rakan Muhammad Musa al-Ir, 5, of Izbat Abed-Rabo, near Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with his brother and older sister, by an IDF missile in Izbat Abed-Rabo.

Ibrahim Muhammad Musa al-Ir, 12, of Izbat Abed-Rabo, near Jabalya, Gaza, killed, with his brother and older sister, by an IDF missile in Izbat Abed-Rabo.

Angham Rafat Atallah al-Masri, 10, of Beit Hanoun, Gaza, killed by an IDF missile in Beit Hanoun.

Isa Muhammad Iyada Rimeliat, 12, of Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, killed by the IDF in Rafah refugee camp’s al-Shaboura section.

Abdullah Nasr Abdullah al-Sdoudi, 7, of Nuseirat, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan. 18 in an IDF attack on Nuseirat.

Nancy Said Muhammad Waked, 6 months, of Gaza City, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan. 18 in an IDF attack on Gaza City’s al-Zaytoun neighborhood.

Muhammad Yahya Said Baba, 11, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan. 10 in an IDF attack on Beit Lahya.

Sundus Said Hasan abu-Sultan, 4, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, died of wounds sustained on Jan. 17 in an IDF attack on Jabalya refugee camp.

Muhammad Shadi al-Bahri, 3, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of an unspecified illness after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment.

Rawan abu-Tabaq, 5, of the northern Gaza Strip, died of second- and third-degree burns after Israel denied her permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment. Her brother died the same day.

Hamad Barak Salem Silmiya, 13, of Jabalya, Gaza, killed by IDF gunfire to his head while herding animals east of Jabalya, Gaza.

Dima Said Ahmad al-Zahal, 5, of Beit Lahya, Gaza, died of wounds sustained Jan. 7 in an IDF attack on Beit Lahya.

Zaynaldeen Muhammad Zurub, 7 months, died of a lung infection in the Gaza Strip’s European Hospital after Israel denied him permission to leave the Gaza Strip for medical treatment. His parents tried for several weeks prior to his death to obtain a permit from Israel to take him to Jerusalem for treatment.

Muhammad Taysir Muhammad Zumlot, 11, of Jabalya refugee camp, Gaza, died in al-Amal Hospital in Gaza City, Gaza, of head wounds sustained Jan. 6 from IDF bombing while at home in Block 2 of Jabalya refugee camp. His grandmother and father were also killed in the attack.

Hamza Samar Muhanna abu-Maria, 7 months, of Beit Omar, Near Hebron, died of IDF tear gas inhalation May 7 while in her home during a demonstration.

Israeli and Palestinian Children Killed
September 29, 2000 – Present

124 Israeli children have been killed by Palestinians and 1,452 Palestinian children have been killed by Israelis since September 29, 2000. (View Sources & More Information)

Chart showing that approximately 12 times more Palestinian children have been killed than Israeli children

Israelis and Palestinians Killed
September 29, 2000 – Present

Chart showing that 6 times more Palestinians have been killed than Israelis.

1,084 Israelis and at least 6,430 Palestinians have been killed since September 29, 2000. (View Sources & More Information)

Israelis and Palestinians Injured
September 29, 2000 – Present

9,226 Israelis and 45,041 Palestinians have been injured since September 29, 2000. (View Sources & More Information.)

Chart showing that Palestinians are injured at least four times more often than Israelis.

Daily U.S. Military Aid to Israel and the Palestinians
Fiscal Year 2009

Chart showing that the United States gives Israel $8.2 million per day in military aid and no military aid to the Palestinians.

During Fiscal Year 2009, the U.S. is providing Israel with at least $8.2 million per day in military aid and $0 in military aid to the Palestinians. (View Sources & More Information)

UN Resolutions Targeting Israel and the Palestinians
1955 – 1992

Israel has been targeted by at least 65 UN resolutions and the Palestinians have been targeted by none. (View Sources & More Information)

Chart showing that Israel has been targeted by over 60 UN resolutions, while the Palestinians have been targeted by none.

Current Number of Political Prisoners and Detainees

Chart showing that Israel is holding over 7000 Palestinians prisoner.

1 Israeli is being held prisoner by Palestinians, while5,935 Palestinians are currently imprisoned by Israel. (View Sources & More Information)

Demolitions of Israeli and Palestinian Homes
1967 – Present

0 Israeli homes have been demolished by Palestinians and 24,813 Palestinian homes have been demolished by Israel since 1967. (View Sources & More Information)

Chart showing that 24,145 Palestinian homes have been demolished, compared to no Israeli homes.

Israeli and Palestinian Unemployment Rates

Chart depicting the fact that the Palestinian unemployment is around 4 times the Israeli unemployment rate.

The Israeli unemployment rate is 6.4%, while the Palestinian unemployment in the West Bank is 16.5% and40% in Gaza. (View Sources & More Information)

Current Illegal Settlements on the Other’s Land

Israel currently has 236 Jewish-only settlements and ‘outposts’ built on confiscated Palestinian land. Palestinians do not have any settlements on Israeli land. (View Sources & More Information)

Chart showing that Israel has 227 Jewish-only settlements on Palestinian land.

Posted in Human RightsComments Off on Murdering babies is ”permissible” when they’re Palestinian

No News Obama Vows Victim Scheme

NOVANEWS

By Tommy Tucci

 

No News Obama Vows Victim Scheme

Obama projects no news. Superimposing a hidden agenda, the final parlay a “zero sum global victim scheme.”  A morally, militarily, and financially bankrupt roll of the dice before a joint session of Congress. Reciting no news convoluted mask of conflict and confusion. Spewing hatred laced with an impulsive disengenuous speech honoring, really an order at the behest of AIPAC, the self-anointed “Chosen” peoples. Alarming masses and dishonoring the entire global community by transferring more bad news and supreme losses across the world spectrum of human suffering.

Memorial Day Embarassment

Mr Obama, Nobel peace laureate embarrasses himself, dishonors Americans by sending them to kill helpless men women children, to absurdly advertise “U.S. will stop the killing of defenseless men women and children globally.” Why does anyone listen to no news America in unison with a joint session of Congress praising a racist cold blooded regime?  Joint session of Congress totally disengaged from ‘We the People’ by hyped loyalty to a select exclusive special pandering, genuflecting to some mysterious spell, repeated ironclad groveling, hollow commitment, and committing to unshakable manufactured ever increasing demands.  Exponential losses, with no recourse, commanded by a select exclusive special interest group of self anointed victims for the U.S.taxpayer to absorb.  Memorial Day disgrace. Read complete article Posted by press.tv

Zero Sum Scams Affecting Global Destruction?

What is a zero sum swindle? What impact or consequences will the Obama and Netanyahu flawed ideology “bad news” have on the global spectrum of humanity?  A zero sum fraud is a rigged scheme by syndicated cartels “every immense gain results in corresponding immense losses.”  Zero sum schemes are striking parallels to the manufactured meltdown by cartels, syndicates, and bankers extracting losses and transferring to taxpaying citizenry.  Loaded with alibis and excuses shadowing transparency and responsibility while lionizing themselves with heavy doses of  celebrations, acccolades, awards, and welfare bonuses.  Documented illegal gains are ultra supreme infinite losses that have no recourse and will never be repaid in a financial world mathematical reality.

Notwithstanding, the unprecedented recorded no news bad news cycle since c.1945 includes the “ironclad” six decades of commitment to Israeli self-anointed choseness and supremacist superiority complexes. By rigging six decades transferring $billions to a racist entity. A sum total disengagement and contempt of “We the People” who continue to suffer under the zero sum fraud losses in 2011 collapsing economy.

Take e.g. the documented recorded illegal construction of Israeli ghetto walls and transfer of high-technology military WMD.  This is a basic zero sum fraud transfer to parasites shaking down the U.S. taxpayer of their labors at the same time espousing a phony victim ploy.  What is the result of illegal ghetto wall construction?  To shut out eternal imaginary enemies?  Or to keep “Special” “Superior” or “Chosen ” polarized peoples inside and shielded?

Watch Video U.S. Shields Zionists

Exclusive U.S. Superiority, Supremacist, Chosen Peoples?

Now to peer into the prism of .001 percent of world population, the overrepresented supremacist superior success ideology we look no further than America’s billionaires, oracles from Omaha, Nobel peace prize laureates, Wall Street, dual citizens, and Israelis. Disporportionate success to world populations.  A select exclusive special interest syndicate that fails consistently in every category and subject matter and refuses to accept responsibility by claiming the world will end without their self admitted rigged suffering, flaws, frauds, and failures.  Really now!!  That is reverse victim ideology personified to force on civilization. Reverse victims “Gun to your head” forced to absorb death destruction and immense losses just to continue more and more failures.

Forced mythological acceptance of accolades, prizes, celebrations of high achievement, merit, and success while instantaneously admitting gross failures, mass murder, perpetuating systemic flaws, rigged zero sum swindles, and genocide.  Entities, individuals, religions, creed, nations, or forums are either supremacists or gross flawed failures. To claim to be both is incongrous.

Nobel Peace Laureates

Enter Mr. Henry Kissinger outrageous incongruity personified as “American Greatest Statesman” who captured the “Greatest War Criminal” title of an era.  Alleged to great statesman status? Gifted the world with phases such as “useless eaters” and “useful idiots” simultaneously mass murdering defenseless men, women and children.   “In Gen Alexander Haig’s presence, Kissinger referred pointedly to military men as ‘dumb, stupid animals to be used’ as pawns for foreign policy.” — Bob Woodward & Carl Bernstein, The Final Days, p. 208.   Mr. Kissinger, Mr. Obama, Mr. Netanyahu bad news bearers need to look into a mirror at their reflection of extra superior accomplishments before running around branding the citizenry of the world “useless eaters” publishing books that attempt to project superior intellect, defending supremacist, and chosen peoples monikers.

Video Remember Memorial Day

Mr. Obama passes the zero sum fraud shakedown of world destruction to Mr. Netanyahu who passes to U.S. Congress. Two individuals emulate Kissinger wannabe from the studied university of supreme ignorance and complete “useless idiocy.”  Both completed tenure as egomaniacal “useless eaters” from the Kissinger school.  Both futile “no news” speeches rewarded by four minutes standing ovation along with another 26 standing ovations and 30 rounds of applause from joint session of Congress working to the dertiment of ‘We the People.’  Read complete article “Netanyahu Addresses US Congress in Unfettered Unapologetic Strange Love Fest.” Posted by Bob Johnson Veterans Today.

Conclusion, Accelerated Parlay Zero Sum Global Victim Scheme

In conclusion, the bankrupt U.S. with 2500 nuclear WMD commencing in c.1945 currently in use to hold hostage the entire globe. Collusion with farcical supremacists additional 259 nuclear WMD. Now if you appreciate the true meaning of “gun to your head” “useless eaters’” “useful Idiots” “dumb” stupid animals” anyone can understand that the current goal is immortality

Stolen confiscation zero sum fraud of all the power, wealth, gold bullion, WMD on earth. So along with the 70 million Christian Zionists wishes “Rapture End of the World.” The true success of unprecedented goals of immortality will be met handily.

Two global fatigued entities one operating as the super duper worthless fiat paper printer and the other operating as paranoid eternal victim surrounded with imaginary enemies.  The unshakable chains of dual parasitic entities that refuse mutual security contracts, ignore honoring International Laws, dismiss UN mandates, exacerbate violations of basic humanitarian self- dignity, or negotiate to the benefit of their respective citizenry interests.

Self-anointed cornered rodents, clock ticking, eternal victims, left in their very own rotting traps refusing all civilized options, ready to detonate 3000 nuclear WMD for the complete destruction of the planet. Immortality, rapture, zero sum faliure are now synonyms for supremacy, superiority, high achievement, merit, billionaire status, success, and high accomplishment.

Sources:

Posted in Pakistan & KashmirComments Off on No News Obama Vows Victim Scheme

Growing Trends of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan

 

 

Although the people of Pakistan never accepted US influence in the domestic affairs of Pakistan, yet, over the years, there has been an increase in anti-Americanism among the Pakistani masses. The recent wave of the anti-Americanism, which indeed is a collective voice of all Pakistanis, started with the arrest and thereafter release of CIA agent Raymond Davis, who in the broad day light killed two Pakistanis. The incident of May 2, 2011, and attack on PNS Mehran, destroying the surveillance aircrafts (P-3C Orion) have further fuelled this hatred. Indeed, this public hatred for US in Pakistan is a natural outcome, from the years of exploitation by the former. With US discriminatory acts, any nation having integrity and respect could have done that and US should not feel bad about that, rather needs to adopt corrective measures.

During her five hours visit of Pakistan, US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, also showed her annoyance over this ever growing anti-Americanism in Pakistani society. This fact indeed, frustrated her more than anything else. She advised Pakistani people that, “anti-Americanism and conspiracy theories will not make their problems disappear.” Rather, she suggested that, the recipe of the Pakistani problems is in toeing the American line, rather anti-Americanism. However, she gave a clear message that, “America cannot and should not solve Pakistan’s problems,” rather Pakistanis should solve their problems themselves. This in fact is a pragmatic advice for all Pakistanis, but, Pakistani feels, would US leave us alone to solve our problems by ourselves?

After years of exploitation, Secretary of State still feels that, Pak-US relationship is at a critical point. In a statement, she emphatically said that, “we have reached a turning point.” While describing such a situation, she expressed that, US would like that Pakistan should take concrete measures against terrorism in the coming days to the satisfaction of US, as if Pakistan has done nothing after getting its 35,000 people killed and suffering the economic losses of over $65 billion while serving the US cause in last one decade. More than anything, Ms. Clinton wants Pakistani to love US, without US resolving their problems, rather adding on to those on daily basis.

Secretary Clinton made Pakistanis realize that, US has supported Pakistan in term of economic and military assistance more than other countries of the world, especially, Pakistan’s friends like; China and Saudi Arabia. She feels that after this much assistance, there should not be anti-American sentiments among the people of Pakistan, as if US has purchased the loyalties of Pakistanis worth this financial assistance. However, US is cognizant of the fact that there is no public recognition of this American support, as its effects has never reached to people of Pakistan. Secretary of State also felt that, there is a “communication gap and failure of respective governments to correct the distortions.” Whereas, US must understand that, its financial assistance has never reached over to the common man of Pakistan, and today, he stands much poorer than ever before.

A common Pakistani lacked the basic civic facilities, educational and health facilities. Then, where the money indeed has gone, should be better known to US. As far as defence assistance is concern, if US alliance with Pakistan and its military hardware could not save the disintegration of Pakistan in 1971, and now US is after the Pakistani nukes, then how Pakistani people should be motivated to love America. The promised $1.5 billion per year financial assistance under KLL by US has yet not reached to the masses. Most of the money under this law is returned to US under various clauses, where heavily paid US advisors and other experts take away a major chunk of the finances. Above all, on the financial terms, Pakistan loses more than its gains, while being a US partner in this so-called global war on terror or otherwise.

The real concern is that, there exist an inexplicable relationship between Pakistani elite group and United States, ever since 1950s, but, the people of Pakistan never supported that.  The sole reason for this opposition was; this relationship was to benefit United States, rather serving the Pakistani interests. Besides, this relationship made Pakistan biased; a country under the Capitalist bloc headed by U.S. This westernized relationship isolated Pakistan from rest of the world and particularly, the Eastern Camp under former Soviet Union. Soviet Union and its allies started seeing Pakistan with suspicions and did not miss a chance to harm Pakistani interest once there was some global or regional effort to resolve the Kashmir issue.

Practically, except, China, Pakistan did not have guaranteed bi-lateral relationship with any other country.  While, throughout in our bilateral relationship, U.S has been betraying Pakistan on one or the other pretext, it stopped Pakistani assistance (mainly military) at crucial moments of our history like; 1965 and 1971, Indo-Pak wars. It lured in Pakistan and used its facilities including penetration into its security establishment during Soviet invasion in Afghanistan and imposed a set of sanctions upon gaining its strategic objective of disintegrating the Soviet Union.

While leaving Pakistan at lurch, with thousands of former Jihadists in its territory and on the Afghan soil, US left the region in haste to celebrate its sole power status and opening new battle fronts like Iraq to sustain its economy and dispose of its left over explosive in the desert of Middle East (Operation Desert Storm), subsequently to charge its cost from Arab monarchs. US economic and military sanctions against Pakistan continued throughout 1990s, with imposition of even tougher measures, sequel to the 1998 nuclear blasts. After this changed scenario in South Asia, US decided to look for an alternative in the form of India, later accepting it as the de-facto nuclear power status, while expressing apprehensions about the safety and security of Pakistani strategic arsenals. Such acts of this sole super power could not induce Pakistani people to love United Sates.

However, the peak of this hatred reached once, US drone attacks became a routine on Pakistani soil especially, in FATA. Earlier in 2001, subsequent to 9/11, U.S was once again able to force Pakistan to support her in its invasion in Afghanistan. This Pakistan wholehearted assistance to US in Afghan war, prompted the former Jihadists along with many others to attack Pakistani installations, its armed forces and many others having no connection with this war. During this one decade of Pakistan’s military support to US, Pakistan lost 35000 people including over 3500 security forces personnel. Its economic losses have grown enormous, owing to instability in the country. This all has happened because of Pakistan’s dedicated support to the cause of United States, what else US want us to do?

This is not the end, as the US kept on asking to do more; indeed, a never ending demand. So much so it has violated the Pakistani sovereignty many a time and killed thousands innocents through its uncalled forth drone attacks. The situation reached to the point, where its navy seals have unilaterally raided in Abbotabad to kill OBL, facts regarding presence of OBL there are yet to be ascertained. Circumstantial evidences brings the scholars to the conclusions that it was a drama staged to take revenge from Pakistan for the arrest of Raymond Davis and a face saving for US to start drawdown its token forces in July this, again to befool US masses, back home. This was height of the US violation of Pakistani sovereignty and degrading Pakistani defence establishment and ISI, who over the years have known the US real objective inside Pakistan, thus started putting up resistance to those. Regretfully, US President and other officials threatened more unilateral acts, which irked the Pakistani masses.

As per the initial investigation of PNS Mehran Base attack, some of weapons and equipment and especially the wireless sets, are found having American and NATO origin, making the event quite suspicious. These sets are strictly prohibited in the market and are only in the use of US forces in Afghanistan. How did, these were found with the attackers of the Mehran base is a serious concern for the people of Pakistan. This might have been done to reduce the surveillance of Pakistani Navy, thus allowing free excess to foreign forces to internally destabilize Karachi and coastal areas of Balochistan, thus, restraining the operationalization of Gwadar port, apart from supporting the sub-nationalists in the province.

With these only few evidences and some very current happenings, the lady Secretary of State should not have expected love for American in the hearts of Pakistani masses. Rather anti-American sentiments are natural among the people. If U.S is really serious to be loved by Pakistani masses, than; it should start respecting Pakistan’s sovereignty. It should rebuild the infrastructures lost during the militancy of last one decade. It should help people in the provision of employment through ROZ, as earlier promised. Over and above it should stop supporting anti-Pakistan forces locally as well as globally. It should re-establish relationship with Pakistan basing the mutual trust and respect.

Posted in Pakistan & KashmirComments Off on Growing Trends of Anti-Americanism in Pakistan

Attack On PNS Mehran: CNBC News

NOVANEWS

A CNBC News Analysist

The analysis were conducted in two parts, first was the actual analysis of the attack and second was on the high powered visit led by Hillary Clinton who was accompanied by Admiral Mike Mullen. Both the analysis were live during the 2 PM CNBC News bulletins of  26th and 28th of May 2011.

The first analysis covered as to how the events took place and who were the forces behind it. This also had the mention of 200 US Marines that have been or are under the process of being dispatched said to be under the pressure of Pakistan Government or Military Establishment. Here it was necessary to point out that out of 7000 or so Blackwater personale even if 200 hundred are deported means nothing. Pakistan has been a close ally of the US for over six decades but at every critical juncture it has always dumped Pakistan. Now of late, sine 9/11, it has become a part of destabilizing factor. Raymond Davis is a living proof of that.

Seeing the depth of US involvement in destabilizing Pakistan it demands that the US Embassy should be shut down completely but to keep the working relations going, it’s imperative  to cut it down drastically so that no anti Pakistan activities get a back up support from here.

What the US did in Abbottabad was just a fake exercise to test the Pakistan defences. Also as said by Senator John Kerry, that the US will study the strategic capabilities of Pakistan. This was reported in “US Attacks Pakistan.

The precision with which the entire PNS Mehran destruction was carried out was not the job of any ordinary terrorist organisation. They were highly trained people, as per the information received from sources, they were trained and backed up by Delta Force.

PNS Mehran was selected for it had the latest PC 3 Orion aircraft that has the capability of long range surveillance and anti submarine warfare as a force multiplier. This was done to weaken Pakistan Navy so that it can not influence any US attack from the sea that is likely to happen on Makran coast.

The press statement of Admiral Nauman Bashir was incorrectly reported by the media. He never said yes or no to a security lapse, in fact he left it to the judgment of the media and the people.

To avoid such embarrassments for future, Chief of Naval Staff should speak through his DG Public Relations.

The second analysis was to cover the visit of Hillary Clinton and her delegation that was here to further pressurize Pakistan in carrying out more. Pakistan has had enough, now it must back off from the so called war on terror that is basically launched to weaken the Muslim countries.

Hillary, true to her character, like a jungle queen, has been issuing warnings to Pakistan. So has been Mike Mullen. The reception that was accorded to her should never have been done. Every visitor must be treated according to his/her level. She was treated like a head of state that was never liked by the people of Pakistan.

Washington Post had carried a report that there are extremist and hardliners in Pakistan Army. This was a complete disinformation campaign launched against Pakistan. This needs to be countered effectively by our media under the direction of Ministry of Information and ISPR.

Pakistan should not scum under any pressure, instead it should further strengthen her relations with China and get more closer to Russia the two big powers in our neighbourhood. Same time, we must develop more strong relations with Iran. In fact we should have soft border with Iran and open relations for our mutual benefit.

Posted in Pakistan & KashmirComments Off on Attack On PNS Mehran: CNBC News

Pro & Con: Should the 1967 borders guide Israeli-Palestinian peace plan?


But the details matter: no conditions, no ‘swaps,’ no settlements.

By Mustafa Barghouthi

President Barack Obama was right to call for a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders. But he should have stopped there. Instead, he added a damaging proviso about “mutually agreed swaps” of land.

Conditions and stipulations trouble Palestinians greatly. Israel used the Oslo Accords not to finalize a peace deal with the Palestinians but to expand settlements in East Jerusalem and the West Bank — talking peace while seizing our land. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon was notorious for accepting what American Presidents asked of him. Yet in the next breath he would note his caveats.

Prime Minister Netanyahu imitated Sharon’s approach two years ago — and again last Tuesday in the U.S. Congress — while reluctantly voicing support for a two-state solution. He said yes to a Palestinian state while simultaneously stripping it of meaningful sovereignty. Israel would maintain major settlement blocs, retain East Jerusalem and a military presence in the Jordan Valley, refuse the return of any Palestinian refugees to stolen homes and land, and ensure that a Palestinian “state” is a nonentity without real sovereignty.

Obama’s political opponents and even some of his ostensible allies heavily criticized him by suggesting he was calling for the 1967 borders. In fact, he was merely restating long-standing U.S. policy that an agreement should be based on the 1967 borders, with land “swaps” (itself a euphemism for forcing a bad deal on Palestinian negotiators). Unfortunately he retreated even from this within a few days because of criticism from Israel and its defenders. In his address to AIPAC he went back to President Bush’s position that borders will have to take into consideration new realities on the ground, which means acceptance of illegal Israeli settlement expansion.

Our best West Bank land and aquifers would go to Israeli settlements in exchange for sub-standard land elsewhere. Already, Israel uses 80 percent of West Bank water resources and on a per capita basis Israeli settlers use approximately 48 times more water than Palestinians. The current unjust water distribution is likely to be made permanent if Israel keeps settlements, all of which are illegal under international law.

Israel’s retention of settlement blocs and a military presence in the Jordan Valley will make our state noncontiguous and nonviable. Our state would be little more than disconnected Bantustans. When the white South African government tried to foist such a plan on the world it was seen as repugnant. Palestinians are surely the holders of the same rights as black South Africans and can no more be expected to accept apartheid conditions than South Africans who rejected inferior rights.

Human Rights Watch recently lent credence to our apartheid concerns with a report detailing Israel’s “two-tier” legal system in the occupied West Bank. Such discrimination in favor of settlers and against Palestinians ought to be regarded as reprehensible just as it eventually was viewed in the Jim Crow South. Tragically, it is visible every day in the West Bank.

Israeli threats to annex — by dint of brute force — West Bank land as a response to our nonviolent legal efforts this September at the United Nations are troubling. This would, however, highlight the apartheid nature of their policies as our “bantustanized” existence would become more visible. Denied statehood, our cause will eventually be transformed from pursuit of two states to a struggle within one state for one person, one vote.

It would be far wiser for Israel to recognize our state on the 1967 borders — and the rights provided us under international law — come September.

Mustafa Barghouthi, a doctor and a member of the Palestinian parliament, was a candidate for president in 2005. He is secretary-general of the Palestinian National Initiative, a political party.

No.

Borders compromise Israel’s security; put Old City in Palestine.

By Harold Kirtz

In his recent speech about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, President Barack Obama proposed that the final borders for a Palestinian state should be based on the lines that existed prior to the June 1967 Middle East war, but adjusted by mutually-agreed land swaps.

This declaration has created considerable discussion and consternation. But a careful reading shows that the president’s comments are consistent with a speech to Congress given in the same week by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, stating that some of the current settlements would be outside of Israel’s final borders.

The key point made by both is that the final borders should be the result of negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

As an observer of the region, I see several problems with using only the 1967 borders, as some have argued for.

First, Israel would be in too vulnerable a position vis-a-vis its Arab neighbors, including a new Palestinian state. The experience of Israel being attacked by thousands of rockets after withdrawing unilaterally without any negotiations from both southern Lebanon and the Gaza strip is an example of this vulnerability. Adjustments for security must be made.

While that vulnerability can never be eliminated, polls of Israelis show that they are willing to take certain risks for a real peace.

So the key factor is — will the Palestinians ever be willing to enter a real peace with Israel? Israel has made many proposals in the past; all of them have been rejected by the Palestinians in one way or another.

Second, I have never been in favor of using the 1967 borders because of the impact on Jerusalem. The 1967 borders would place Jerusalem’s Old City squarely within the Palestinian state.

That would be a mistake. Too many Jewish sites and institutions are in the Old City or immediately surrounding it. Many of those were desecrated or destroyed by the Jordanians when they controlled the West Bank area, including the Old City, between 1949 and 1967. The Israelis have now restored or rebuilt many.

As an American Jew, I am proud of what Israel has done to allow other religions to practice their faith and preserve their places of worship. The Jordanians were never so ecumenical. For that reason, Israel should never give up control of the Old City.

Third, the heart of Tel Aviv is only 10 to 15 miles from the 1967 border and Jerusalem abuts that border. Many predominately Jewish suburbs have grown up around those cities. Those areas should not be given up by Israel either for both security and demographic reasons.

Regarding the mutually
agreed land swaps stated by both the president and the prime minister, various proposals have been developed to permit Israel to retain much of this built-up area, while having the Palestinian state receive other land that is currently within the borders of Israel. These land swaps would permit the Palestinian state to have the approximate amount of land that is accounted for by the 1967 borders.

Negotiations between the two sides would allow the Israelis to best protect themselves, while allowing the Palestinians to develop a viable state.

Despite the attempts of Israel’s detractors to argue that Israel is the problem, Israel has been willing, ever since immediately offering to give back the lands taken in the Six-Day War in exchange for a peace agreement, to live peacefully with the Palestinians.

But it is up to the Palestinians to demonstrate conclusively that they are willing to live with a permanent Jewish state on their border. That is the only way that any of this will work.

Harold Kirtz is president of the Jewish Community Relations Council of Atlanta.

Posted in Palestine AffairsComments Off on Pro & Con: Should the 1967 borders guide Israeli-Palestinian peace plan?

Palestinian Reconciliation: Conditions Required for Success

NOVANEWS

 

Nassar Ibrahim,

Alternative Information Center (AIC)

The signing of the Palestinian reconciliation agreement is just the beginning of the internal reconciliation process on the national, political, strategic and tactical levels. Nassar Ibrahim writes that for reconciliation to be successful, two crucial conditions must be met.

hamas_haniyeh

Fatah and Hamas did not solely give in to the pressure of the people’s demands, but recognised the non-viability of the current political path

 

The concept of reconciliation (sulha or musalaha in Arabic) immediately raises good connotations related to the positive social meaning this concept has in popular consciousness. Reconciliation is usually associated with daily differences and social tensions intertwined in the contexts of relations, overlapping interests and the relative positions of all involved. These differences and tensions might culminate in conflicts between and amongst circumscribed or wider social groups, such that once the reconciliation or sulha has been achieved through external or internal intervention, social life and relations return back to “normal” forms and principles. In this sense, reconciliation does not lead to a change of relationships, power balances or ethics of the group; its role in this case is instead to “re-harmonize” the existing structure with ongoing social contexts and disparities.

 

We hope that the Palestinian political reconciliation formally signed and celebrated in Cairo on 4 May 2011 does not go in this direction. The reasons that led to the Palestinian division, which lasted more than four years with all its negative consequences, as well as the questions and national challenges entailed in this reconciliation, are more complex and dangerous than the level of reconciliation, or sulha, conceived in its simplistic social and communal meaning.

 

One who believes that the mere signing of a reconciliation agreement means the end of contradictions between Fatah and Hamas is most mistaken. On the contrary, the signing of the reconciliation agreement puts the Palestinian political factions at the very beginning of the reconciliation process on the national, political, strategic and tactical levels. The value of this agreement must be understood in its implicit recognition of the failure and futility of factional options; it must also be considered a realisation of the fact that the political, social, economic and national challenges can be met only by a cohesive political actor. Fatah and Hamas did not solely give in to the pressure of the people’s demands, but recognised the non-viability of the current political path and the weakness to which they had abandoned themselves.

The range of complacency and optimism that greeted the reconciliation reflects a satisfaction at the opportunity provided by the agreement for a conciliation process, although conditions for a real reconciliation have not been fully met. We are thus cautiously optimistic about the reconciliation, waiting for political actors to seize this fundamental opportunity and commence discussion of the most vital issues, such that we do not return to the same sectarianism and fragmented political framework after a few days or months.

 

The first of the conditions for success of reconciliation is a reevaluation and reconstruction of the Palestinian political strategy in order to regain a balance in accordance with national priorities on all levels. The re-evaluation must be based on the fact that the Palestinian people are still in the stage of national liberation, such that the political strategy should first and foremost serve this liberation, with all the attendant implications and priorities, including an interaction between the various forms of struggle. This requires a position far away from a compromise on Palestinian national goals and rights as a precondition for national unity.

 

It is imperative to identify clear boundaries between the goals of the Palestinian national liberation process and the functions of the Palestinian Authority, especially in light of the catastrophic consequences of the amalgamation of the two and the PA’s cooptation of the liberation struggle in both its political and social aspects, with all the terrible cultural and moral consequences of this process.

 

Reconciliation is the opportunity for a fresh evaluation of the peace process and the political performance of the Palestinian leadership. An assessment in this context – especially after the long-term failure of the process under the pressure of American and Israeli conditions – will highlight the manifestations of the imbalances in the past two decades,  as well as the necessity to cut with incorrect political choices and thus to regain the initiative in respect to national interests. Such a political reorientation is not anymore dictated solely by loyalty to the Palestinian cause;  it became imperative after decades of compromises recently crowned by Obama’s speeches to Congress and the American Israeli Public Affairs Commitee, which leave no hope for consistent change in the future assets of America foreign policy.

 

The second condition is to rebuild the Palestinian political bodies of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Palestinian Authority in accordance not only with a new national strategy, but also with an evaluation of the evolving regional scenario, taking into account the impacts of the Arab revolutions and their role in promoting and re-framing the Palestinian national struggle in its Arab dimension, a dimension which has been deeply harmed by the Arab dictatorial regimes in the last decades. Furthermore the change in the internal balance of power and a pursuance of national efforts on the basis of democracy must be taken into consideration to ensure the participation of all Palestinian political and social forces according to their actual role on the ground.

 

A balance must accordingly be achieved between the functions of national liberation and the functions of social development, such that the latter is in tune and does not constitute an obstacle to liberation. A primary goal must be to escape from the trap of foreign funding, which has transformed into a field of political pressure.
The implementation of these major points will lead Palestinian political forces to face serious and dangerous national challenges. To not miss this opportunity implies not falling into narrow and selfish sectarian thinking. Every political force must work hard to meet the national challenge, which is first and foremost the ability to rebuild itself on all levels.

 

The process we are witnessing on the ground goes well beyond a political tightrope walk; it affects the very future of the Palestinian people and their national rights, which are theraison d’être of any Palestinian organization or party, whatever its history, authority or legitimacy might be.

Posted in Palestine AffairsComments Off on Palestinian Reconciliation: Conditions Required for Success

Dorothy Online Newsletter

NOVANEWS

Dear Friends,

If you just haven’t time to read more than one or two items, then please read items 3 and 5, and if you can just possibly squeeze in one more, then add item 4.  Of course I have no objections to you reading all 6 items below.

Item 1 Is Aluf Benn’s take on a specific proposed affirmative action measure.

Item 2 says that Palestinians gear for Sunday’s march on Israel’s borders, (or what are thought to be them where there are none).  I only hope that it goes without a massacre of unarmed people trying to tell the world that they are tired of being refugees and want to go home, that is, to Palestine.

Item 3 talks about turning the ROR (Right of Return) into reality.  I’m all for it.

Item 4 tells us that Israel’s PR victory shames news broadcasters.

Item 5 argues (and I agree) that the situation here is ‘all process and no progress’.

And item 6 closes with remarks about Jerusalem on today’s celebrations of Jerusalem Day,  which the writer (Yossi Sarid) feels were superfluous.

Good reading,

Dorothy

——————————-

1.  Haaretz,

June 01, 2011


Israel’s Affirmative Action bill is reminiscent of Hungary’s anti-Jewish laws

The spirit of the proposed bill is more important than the language, and everyone is clear on its purpose: to get rid of the ultra-Orthodox and the Arabs.

http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/opinion/israel-s-affirmative-action-bill-is-reminiscent-of-hungary-s-anti-jewish-laws-1.365249

By Aluf Benn

On July 22, the parliament in Budapest met to vote on Law Number 25 which established the entry requirements to universities in Hungary. The bill stated that for higher learning only those of “unblemished ethical standard, who have demonstrated loyalty to the Hungarian nation,” would be let in, and that the university student body must reflect the nations and ethnic groups in the country in accordance to their relative numbers in the overall population.

On the face of it, the bill was meant to ensure fair and equitable representation but everyone realized its real purpose: to dwindle the number of Jews among the student body. Only six percent of the Hungarian population was Jewish at the time, but they made up as much as 30 percent of the student body. When the bill was brought to a vote, most of the parliamentarians from the centrist parties were absent from the plenum. The bill passed with the votes of the extreme right wing and entered history as the Numerus Clausus Law, the first institutional expression of anti-Semitism in Europe during the interwar years.

Among the thousands of Jewish students who abandoned Hungary were John von Neumann and Edward Teller, who went on to develop game theory and the hydrogen bomb. Their skills and those of their colleagues did not interest Hungarian nationalists. They wanted to throw the Jews out, even at the cost of a brain drain. Politicians in Budapest were only concerned about international pressure, which indeed eased the restrictions a few years later. But the damage had already been done: The Jewish geniuses were gone, and Hungary continued its downfall into fascism.

The proposed Affirmative Action bill, which passed last week through the Knesset Constitution, Law and Justice Committee and is on its way to a preliminary reading, is marching along the same path. The bill proposed by MKs Hamad Amar, David Rotem and Alex Miller of Yisrael Beiteinu seeks to give preference for civil service jobs to those who served in the IDF. On the face of it, justice is being done in favor of “those who lay in ambush and risked their lives,” to quote Amar, preferring them over those who evaded the draft and were able to go to university at age 18.

But like in Hungary of 1920, so too in Israel of 2011, the spirit of the law is more important than the language, and everyone is clear on its purpose: to get rid of the Haredim and the Arabs. The state is the one that exempted them from mandatory military service and now wants to punish them for alleged “evasion.”

MK Rotem, who chairs the Knesset Law Committee, explained his position during discussions: “I hear constantly talk about the right to equality. I think that the military cemeteries should be closed, there is no equality there. They do not bury Arabs there.”

To the Shas representative MK Nissim Zeev, who opposed the bill, Rotem said: “I do not care about your world.”

Rotem responded rudely to the representatives of ministries who expressed reservations at the bill, saying it was redundant and possibly also illegal. “At noon today you will see how legal it is,” Rotem told attorney Tziona Koenig-Yair, Commissioner for Equal Opportunities at the Workplace. “What is your [lawyer’s] license number?”

“19893,” she said.

Rotem then went on to deal with the Justice Ministry’s representative, attorney Dan Oren: “And what is your license number?”

What is the relevance, wondered Oren, and insisted: “It is our function and we have expertise in these matters.”

Koenig-Yair gave in: “I apologize to the chairman if there was something offensive in my statements.”

The government of Benjamin Netanyau, which has sought to oppress the Arab community since it was established, was, of course, in favor of the “Affirmative Action Bill.” Not all committee MKs fell in line: Benny Begin voted against the bill in the preliminary reading, Isaac Herzog petitioned against it, but Rotem said that “he can no longer file a petition.”

During the vote in the Law Committee, it was an opposition MK, Otniel Schneller (Kadima ), who was most ardently in favor: “From a moral point of view, I consider this a most important law,” he said. Schneller joined the two representatives of Yisrael Beiteinu, and against the two Haredi MKs, passed the bill to the next stage.

The nationalists in Israel, like their predecessors in Hungary during the past century, do not care about the loss of talent or exacerbation of domestic tensions. They are interested in harming minorities and pushing them out. And like their predecessors in the parliament in Budapest, the representatives of the center in our Knesset have opted to sit in the cafeteria instead of fighting racist bills.

====================================

2.  Ynet,

June 01, 2011


March on Lebanon border on ‘Nakba Day’ Photo: Reuters

Palestinians gear for Sunday march on Israel’s borders

Pro-Palestinian pages on social media websites buzzing with calls to rush to all borders on day marking 44th anniversary of Six Day War

http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4076728,00.html

Roee Nahmias

Fatah representative in Lebanon, Munir Maqdah, said Tuesday that Palestinians residing in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Gaza were planning to march towards their respective borders with Israel on Sunday, the 44th anniversary of the Six Day War.

“We want our lands in Palestine back,” Maqdah said, noting that the processions aim to remain non-violent. He also urged UNIFIL forces in south Lebanon to “ensure the march’s safety.”

The Fatah official’s statement is the last in a myriad of activities calling on pro-Palestinian activists to march on Israel’s borders.

The highest flurry of activities is noted on Facebook, where various pro-Palestinian group have issued a similar call: “Our Palestinian countrymen, as part of our just pursuit of statehood… and in response to Netanyahu’s speech in Congress and Obama’s hesitant speech, we emphasize that Palestine is our land and the land of our forefathers and that will not accept any division or compromise.

‘Youth of June 5’ Facebook Page

“On this day, June 5, we urge you to take active part in actions meant to empathize with our prisoners,” the “Youth of June 5” page read.

Facebook pages affiliated with Syrian pro-Palestinian groups, called on the masses to “unite and turn June 5 into a day commemorating the fallen and right of return.”

Another group urges masses to “march on Israel’s border this Saturday and free the Golan Heights.”

Still, at this time no concrete plans for any march have been posted on social media

===========================

3.  Al Jazeera,

31 May 2011


Turning the ‘right of return’ into reality

Myths perpetuated by Israel as to why the “right of return” is impossible are easily debunked when looked at logically.

http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2011/05/2011527131738517819.html

Ben White

The May 15 Nakba protests put the issue of Palestinian refugees back on the table [GALLO/GETTY]

After years of marginalisation in the peace process, the Palestinian refugees are back on centre stage.

On May 15, Nakba day, the refugees forced their way on to the news agenda; in the past two weeks, Israeli and Palestinian leaders have been compelled to comment on what has always been so much more than a “final status issue”.

During his remarks in the Oval Office, and in response to an op-ed in The New York Times by Mahmoud Abbas, Israeli PM Netanyahu dismissed the refugees’ right of return as fatal to “Israel’s future as a Jewish state”. But the permanent expulsion of one people to make way for another is a hard sell, which is why Netanyahu and others rely on oft-repeated myths about the refugees.

One myth is that the “creation” of the Palestinian refugee “problem” (a euphemism for ethnic cleansing) was a consequence of the Arab countries’ war with Israel. This claim was undermined – almost despite himself – by Israeli historian Benny Morris, who though joining the attack on Abbas’ op-ed, noted that 300,000 Palestinians had lost their homes before 15 May 1948.

In fact, as serious historians and research have shown, Palestinians left their homes and villages through a combination of attacks, direct forced removals, and fear of atrocities.

The expulsion of the refugees was ultimately realised by the forcible prevention of their return, the destruction of villages, and the legislative steps taken to expropriate their land and deny them citizenship.

A second myth manipulates the question of the Jews from Arab countries, around 850,000 of whom left between 1948 and the 1970s. Israel’s apologists try and suggest that these “Jewish refugees” somehow “cancel out” the Palestinian refugees, as if the residents of Ramla or Deir Yassin were responsible for events in Baghdad and Cairo.

More than a hint here of “all Arabs are the same”.

In fact, most scorn the link, such as Israeli professor Yehouda Shenhav who wrote that “any reasonable person” must acknowledge the analogy to be “unfounded”. When the US house of representatives in 2008 called for linking the issues of Jews from Arab countries and Palestinian refugees, The Economist wrote that the resolution showed “the power of the pro-Israel lobby in Washington”.

Put simply, one right does not cancel out another. Ask those pushing this propaganda if they support restitution and redress for all refugees, Jewish and Palestinian, and they fall strangely silent.

What kind of return?

But it is the exposure of a third myth that is the most explosive: that a literal return is unfeasible. In the words of the excellent arenaofspeculation.org, engaging “in new ways with the spatial, political and social landscapes of Israel-Palestine” means that instead of asking “can we return?” or “when will we return?” Palestinians are suddenly allowed to ask “what kind of return do we want to create for ourselves?”

A discussion on what implementing the right of the return would look like is taking place. There is the long-standing work of Salman Abu Sitta and the Palestinian Return Centre (PRC), as well as studies by Badil and Decolonising Architecture Art Residency. Recently, the Israeli group Zochrot published in their journal Sedek a fascinating collection of articles on realising the return.

Many people are familiar with the words of Israeli military chief of staff Moshe Dayan at a funeral in 1956, when he reminded those present that Palestinian refugees in Gaza had been watching the transformation of “the lands and the villages, where they and their fathers dwelt, into our estate.”

Less well known are the thoughts of his father, member of Knesset Shmuel Dayan, who in 1950 admitted: “Maybe [not allowing the refugees back] is not right and not moral, but if we become just and moral, I do not know where we will end up.”

There can be no doubt that the obstacle to a resolution of this central injustice is the insistence on maintaining a regime of ethno-religious privilege and exclusion.

After 63 years of dispossession, the refugees have been once again revealed to be at the heart of the issue, for it is they who best exemplify what it means to create and maintain a Jewish state at the expense of the indigenous Palestinians.

Ben White is a freelance journalist and writer, specialising in Palestine and Israel. His first book, Israeli Apartheid: A Beginner’s Guide, was published by Pluto Press in 2009, receiving praise from the likes of Desmond Tutu, Nur Masalha and Ghada Karmi.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial policy.

=====================

4.  The Guardian,

31 May 2011

Israel’s PR victory shames news broadcasters

Our latest analysis of news bulletins reveals how Israel continues to spin images of war

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/may/31/israel-pr-victory-images-war

Greg Philo

Smoke billows from the Gaza Strip following Israeli air strikes in December 2008. Photograph: Said Khatib/AFP/Getty Images

The propaganda battle over the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has reached a new level of intensity. In 2004 the Glasgow University Media Group published a major study on TV coverage of the Second Intifada and its impact on public understanding. We analysed about 200 programmes and questioned more than 800 people. Our conclusion: reporting was dominated by Israeli accounts. Since then we have been contacted by many journalists, especially from the BBC, and told of the intense pressures they are under that limit criticism of Israel. They asked us to raise the issue in public because they can’t. They speak of “waiting in fear for the phone call from the Israelis” (meaning the embassy or higher), of the BBC’s Jerusalem bureau having been “leant on by the Americans”, of being “guilty of self-censorship” and of “urgently needing an external arbiter”. Yet the public response of the BBC is to avoid reporting our latest findings. Those in control have the power to say what is not going to be the news.

For their part, the Israelis have increased their PR effort. The Arab spring has put demands for democracy and freedom at the heart of Middle East politics, and new technology has created more problems for the spin doctors. The most graphic images of war can now be brought immediately into public view, including the deaths of women and children. When Israel planned its attack on Gaza in December 2008, it developed a new National Information Directorate, and the supply of possible material was limited by stopping reporters from entering Gaza during the fighting. In 2010, when Israel attacked the Gaza aid flotilla, it issued edited footage with its own captions about what was supposed to have happened. This highly contested account was nonetheless largely swallowed by TV news programmes. A UN-sponsored report, which later refuted the account, was barely covered.

These new public relations were designed to co-ordinate specific messages across all information sources, repeated by every Israeli speaker. Each time a grim visual image appeared, the Israeli explanation would be alongside it. In the US, messages were exhaustively analysed by The Israel Project, a US-based group that, according to Shimon Peres, “has given Israel new tools in the battle to win the hearts and minds of the world”. In a document of more than 100 pages (labelled “not for publication or distribution”) an enormous range of possible statements about Israel was sorted into categories of “words that work” and “words that will turn listeners off”. There are strictures about what should be said and how to say it: avoid religion, Israeli messages should focus on security and peace, make sure you distinguish between the Palestinian people and Hamas (even though Hamas was elected). There is a remarkable likeness between these and the content of TV news headlines. Many journalists bought the message. Hamas was being attacked, and somehow not the Palestinians: “The bombardment continues on Hamas targets” (BBC1, 31 December 2008); “The offensive against Hamas enters its second week” (BBC1, 3 January 2009).

There were terrible images of Palestinian casualties but the message from Israel was relentless. Its attack was a necessary “response” to the firing of rockets by Palestinians. It was the Palestinian action that had started the trouble. In a new project, we have analysed more than 4,000 lines of text from the main UK news bulletins of the attack, but there was no coverage in these of the killing by the Israelis of more than 1,000 Palestinians, including hundreds of children, in the three years before it. In the TV news coverage, Israeli statements on the causes of action overwhelmed those of the Palestinians by more than three to one. Palestinian statements tended to be only that they would seek revenge on Israel. The underlying reasons for the conflict were absent, such as being driven from their homes and land when Israel was created.

Journalists tended to stay on the firmest ground in reporting, such as the images of “innocent victims”, and there was little said about why Palestinians were fighting Israel. We interviewed audience groups and found the gaps in their knowledge closely paralleled absences in the news. A majority believed Palestinians broke the ceasefire that existed before the December attack and did not know Israel had attacked Gaza during it, in November 2008, killing six Palestinians. Members of the public expressed sorrow for the plight of Palestinians but, because of the Israeli message so firmly carried by TV, they thought the Palestinians had somehow brought it on themselves. As one put it: “When I saw the pictures of the dead children it was dreadful, I was in tears but it didn’t make me feel that the Palestinians and Hamas were right … I think the Palestinians haven’t taken the chance to work towards a peaceful solution. Hamas called an end to the last ceasefire.” This participant was surprised to hear Hamas was reported to have said it would have stopped the rockets if Israel had agreed to lift its economic siege. The source was Ephraim Halevy, former head of the Mossad intelligence service.

Images of suffering do not now in themselves affect how audiences see the validity of actions in war. People see the images as tragic, but judgments as to who is right and wrong are now firmly in the hands of the spin doctors.

=================================

5.  The Guardian,

1 June 2011

The Middle East: all process, no progress

The Palestinian UN recognition strategy attempts to circumvent nonexistent negotiations, but it can’t get round a US veto

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/jun/01/middleeast-israel

Carne Ross

US President Barack Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu at the White House: a tense meeting did little to raise hopes of a peace deal any time soon. Photograph: Charles Dharapak/AP

Whenever an international problem starts being called a “process”, one should immediately become suspicious that the problem itself will not be solved. Indeed, the naming of a problem as a “process” is a way to obscure lack of progress with endless anaesthetising conferences, meetings and statesmanlike speeches.

The climate change “process” demonstrates this dismal rule: after years of preparatory meetings, and two major global conferences in Copenhagen and Cancún, this “process” has yet to agree any concrete action to limit carbon emissions. And, of course, the mother of all empty processes is the Middle East “peace process”.

There has been much talk about Israel and the Palestinians in recent days. Speeches by President Obama and Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu have offered almost mutually exclusive visions of the outlines of a possible Israeli-Palestinian settlement. Virtually the only element common to both was that neither offered any suggestion about how to reach any deal. Netanyahu refused any engagement with a Fatah-Hamas government. Obama’s two speeches said not a word about convening any kind of Israeli-Palestinian negotiation. The US president seems to be despairing of this “process”.

For their part, the Palestinians have concluded some time ago that the “peace process” is a hollow vessel. Hamas chose, instead, the dead end of violence. The Fatah-led government in the West Bank has, by contrast, pursued the project of building a viable Palestinian state in the areas under its control. Internationally, the PLO has been steadily recruiting states around the world to recognise the Palestinian state, an effort planned to culminate in September at the UN general assembly where, the Palestinians hope, the general assembly will adopt a resolution accepting the existence of a Palestinian state.

The PLO has not yet formally adopted this strategy and, in the absence of clarity, misunderstandings about this “UN recognition strategy” have multiplied. Some rightwing commentators have suggested that such a decision at the UN will amount to the “delegitimisation” of Israel, failing to acknowledge that Israel’s current status at the UN would remain unaffected, and a resolution would not alter the fact that no UN member state has ever accepted Israel’s occupation of the West Bank or Gaza, or that Jerusalem’s status is yet to be determined. Meanwhile, Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz called the Palestinian strategy a “UN declaration of a Palestinian state” and the Economist, too, seems to think that the UN can recognise a state. This is not the case. The UN does not recognise states; only other states can. The UN can, however, agree to make a state a member, once it has been recognised by others. But contrary to much commentary, even this is far from straightforward.

As is usual, all the serious decisions at the UN are in the power of the security council, which is required to recommend a state for membership to the general assembly. And here lies one problem with the PLO’s strategy: that recommendation will not be forthcoming thanks to an American veto, as Obama’s speech made clear, with emphasis.

Realising this potential obstacle, the PLO may choose to vest its hopes in various procedural devices to get around the security council, including what is called the “Uniting for Peace” procedure. Under this procedure, first used by the US in 1950 to circumvent a Soviet block on UN intervention in Korea, the general assembly can take on an issue of international peace and security when its members agree that the security council has failed its own responsibility to do so.

The UN has never accepted a new member using procedural devices like this. And it may be a precedent that many member states, including Palestine’s many sympathisers at the UN, do not want established. Russia, for instance, may be loath to open the door to Kosovo’s membership, which it currently refuses to recognise. But worst of all, even if such a resolution were to attract enough supporters (as would be likely), bypass the security council (which is less likely) and become a full member state of the UN or, perhaps, an observer state as a fallback, it would do little to end Israel’s occupation.

The PLO seems to be calculating that UN membership will grant Palestine new legal status with which to fight Israel’s occupation and define the final settlement. These outcomes are by no means guaranteed. In any case, the Palestinians hope that the UN strategy will provide vivid evidence of Israel’s international isolation, compelling Israel to come to the table – or compelling the Americans to make them. As such, the strategy makes sense and the PLO cannot be blamed for trying something, anything, given Netanyahu’s obdurate refusal to contemplate a deal – a two-state solution based more or less on the 1967 borders – that every one else in the world regards both as reasonable and long overdue.

But the putative UN strategy is flawed. Both Israel and the US have endured almost total isolation at the UN for decades, to no palpable effect on their policies except to intensify their rejection of the UN as a place to address the dispute. September’s vote, if it goes through, will doubtless have the same consequence.

Since the 1967 security council resolution (pdf), which demanded Israel’s withdrawal from territories it had occupied during the six day war, reams of international law and countless debates at the UN have promised much to the Palestinians, but delivered nothing. The only time Israel has actually withdrawn from the occupied territories was as a result of a negotiated agreement with the PLO following the 1993 declaration of principles.

In unfortunate resemblance to both the current Israeli and US approaches, the Palestinian UN strategy offers nothing about how to reach a settlement with the one country whose recognition of Palestine really matters: Israel. Instead, September’s looming confrontation at the UN promises an outcome all too familiar to those who follow this ill-fated “process”: argument and antagonism to nil material effect. As Rashid Khalidi has wisely argued, the Palestinians should not rely on traditional routes, including American diplomacy, to achieve their state: the non-violent protests of the “Arab spring” offer a better, if uncertain, prospect.

The endless speechifying and diplomatic manoeuvring of the misnamed “peace process” has occupied statesmen, diplomats and commentators for decades, providing a simulacrum of progress when none, in fact, exists. The next few months will see yet more activity and diplomacy, risking distraction from the reality of continuing settlement building and mounting frustration of ordinary Palestinians living under an occupation that promises no end. With tension rising between Israel and its neighbours, and with it the risk of international conflict, no one can regard this situation as acceptable.

And no one should allow themselves the illusion that more rhetoric and an empty process, at the UN, in Washington or anywhere else, will solve it.

===========================

6. Haaretz,

June 01, 2011


Jerusalem Day celebrations will not cover up the city’s rot and discrimination

Jerusalem Day is an ‘artificial celebration’; Jerusalem is the most ultra-Orthodox city, the most Arab, plagued by negative migration.

http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/jerusalem-day-celebrations-will-not-cover-up-the-city-s-rot-and-discrimination-1.365222

By Yossi Sarid

Jerusalem Day is an artificial celebration, which only the religious Zionist movement, settlers, workers on an organized outing, the president, the mayor and Channel 1 bother celebrating in a big way. Most people in Israel don’t even know, and don’t care, why it even exists.

The poet and Jerusalemite Gilad Meiri, who apparently also loves a different Jerusalem, has called in a poem “to liberate Jerusalem from Jerusalem Day.”

Ever since Jerusalem became a city that was compacted together 44 years ago, there have been few reasons to celebrate, and this year, fewer than ever.

Jerusalem 2011 is a sad city pretending to be glad.

Earlier this week, the Central Bureau of Statistics published real data that puts us into a less than party-like mood: Jerusalem is the most ultra-Orthodox city, the most Arab, and plagued by negative migration. Some 8,000 Jerusalemites got fed up with the city over the past year and abandoned it.

The rate of high school students who pass their matriculation exams is low and the city is is not heedful of the children of the poor.

Meanwhile, in the eastern part of the city, more than 1,000 classrooms are lacking; about half the children have no place in a classroom, they are mamzerim.

Even before this, Jerusalem was no bed of roses. But in recent years is has become a bed of thorns.

In the neighborhood of Al-Bustan, at the foot of the City of David, the municipality insists on destroying dozens of inhabited homes to turn a delusional vision into reality – the “Garden of the King.”

In the neighborhood of Silwan, has anyone noticed that a “quiet intifada” is under way? Settlers in Beit Yonatan and Wadi Hilweh have been clashing daily with local residents and lives have been lost. Beit Yonatan should have been evacuated long ago according to the High Court of Justice decisions at which Mayor Nir Barkat thumbs his nose and the attorney general neglects.

The police are arresting local leaders, including Jawad Siyam, who established a community center for children and has fallen victim to false complaints by settlers, his neighbors. The police are also arresting minors; just the other day, Haaretz reported on the illegal arrest of a 7-year-old boy.

In the neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, Palestinian families continue to be ejected from their homes. The settlement of Simon the Just is expanding with the open and covert support of the state authorities.

On the ruins of the Shepherd Hotel, which the Custodian of Abandoned Property sold to Irving Moskowitz, a new settlement will soon arise. Quite a few celebrations await Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers, Rivlin and his MKs, ahead of next Jerusalem Day, even before September and mainly thereafter. We can start getting ready for the dedication of the Third Temple.

This year has not been good for Jerusalem’s good name; it is the year the Holy City became synonymous with a building project called Holyland. Something is rotten in this city, many of whose past and present leaders are on trial for their shenanigans. Annual festivals (and not only in churches ), marathons, new restaurants in the market and other pleasantries on its day of joy will not cover up the rot, the discrimination or the deprivation.

Posted in Middle EastComments Off on Dorothy Online Newsletter

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