Archive | February 2nd, 2012

The Brainwashing of the Jews



By Dr. Elias Akleh

There are increasing indications, although slim but hopeful, that more Israeli Jews are awakening to the satanic realities of the Zionist Greater Israel Project in the heart of the Arab World. The Jews in general and Israeli Jews in particular, had been subjected for thousands of years to an extremist religiously fundamentalist brainwashing sinister scheme. Its goal is to implant in the Jewish collective psyche the satanic ideology of God’s chosen people in God’s promised land, and that it is their “mitzvah”, their religious duty, to terrorize and murder ALL GOYEMS, and to steal all their wealth and their land for the ultimate purpose of creating a Jewish only world with Jerusalem as the center of the world.

Shortly after its inception few thousand years ago Judaism, as a religion, had been grossly distorted and misinterpreted by extremist political rabbis who had morphed it into an aggressive colonial religious ideology with the goal of creating a Jewish-controlled world. Thus Jews (Israelites), rather than the human race, were designated as God’s chosen people, and Palestine (the land of Canaan) in the heart of the old world, rather than planet Earth, as God’s promised land. With a racist, vindictive, murdering god (check the Old Testament) this ideology permits the Jews to kill all non-Jews for the sake of creating a Jewish only state (Israel). This extremist political religious ideology is known at present as Zionism.

The Jews were brainwashed that since they are chosen by God they are envied and hated by the rest of the human races, who are out to persecute them and to kill them. They are taught that all non-Jews are inflicted with an intrinsically pathological disease called anti-Semitism meaning anti-Jewish as if Jews are the only Semitic nation. To protect themselves they are instructed to live under the leadership of their rabbis in their own Jewish only communities (ghettos) separated from the others. Although Jews are citizens of different countries and are members of different ethnicities they are told that they are persecuted in every country and that they had suffered multiple holocausts. They are urged to deny their original citizenships and to immigrate to Palestine, an alleged empty land, their promised land, to establish a Jewish-only state, where they could live safely and peacefully. Those misguided, who followed this calling, discovered that they had to become militarized and to commit genocidal crimes against the indigenous people; the Palestinians, and to steal the land in order to establish their Jewish state. Instead of this promised safety they discovered that they have to live in perpetual wars the rest of their lives.

Gilad Atzmon, an Israeli Jewish musician and writer, born in Israel but left to live in the UK, argued in one of his articles “The Complete Guide to Killing Non-Jews” that one has to understand the Jewish culture in the light of Judaic teachings in order to grasp the magnitude of the barbaric crimes the Jewish state had committed against humanity. “Zionism was rather effective in transforming the Old Testament from a spiritual text into a land registry” he stated.

Nurit Peled-Elhanan, a professor of language and education in the Hebrew University in Israel, had lost her young daughter in a suicide bombing. After some soul searching she had discovered that Israeli Jews as well as other Jews in the Western countries who received Jewish education “… were raised on false and racist values; actually on hetero-phobia”. She argues that anti-Semitism (anti-Jewish) is the result of the actions of the only government in the world (Israeli government) who deliberately sends young Jewish boys and girls to their certain death, and who persecute, to the point of genocide, another Semitic nation (the Palestinians). She explains that the reason Palestinian demonstrators carry signs equating the Star of David with the Nazi Swastika is due to the actions of the Israeli government and its army rather than a morbid hatred to the Jews.

Elhanan, similar to Atzmon, blames the false Judaic teachings for turning Jewish children into murdering monsters, killing, torturing and humiliating other non-Jewish children, their parents and their grandparents, and sacrificing their own lives for the megalomania of the Israeli chiefs. She stated in one of her lectures: “In the so-called Western enlightened world everyone feels very well founded when they blame Islam for suicide bombing and terror, but who would ever blame Judaism for murder?  And yet ultraorthodox Jewish children who had never left Brooklyn know that to kill Arabs is a Mitzvah “holy commandment” for they are wild beasts, and Israeli children actually commit the crimes of slaughter and torture. However neither Judaism nor Islam or any religion for that matter is the cause for murder and terror. Racist education is, American imperialism is, an Israeli ruthless regime of occupation is.”

 Lillian Rosengarten is a Jewish pacifist writer, who had sailed to Gaza along with six other Jews aboard a humanitarian boat, but was kidnapped by the Israeli navy to Ashdod. She was then deported and banned entry to Israel for 10 years. It seems that Israel welcomes only warmongering Jews and rejects humanitarian dissenting Jews like Rosengarten.

Rosengarten also criticized the hetero-phobic values instilled in the Jewish psyche due to the “blurring the distinction between Zionist nationalism and Jewish religion”. She states that Israelis in general do not know Palestinians.  They are taught from early age that all Palestinians are terrorists, who hate Jews and want to drive them into the sea. She exposes the myth of Israel as the only peace loving democracy in the Middle East as a deception because “A Jewish state created through subjugation, occupation, collective punishment and humiliation of Palestinians is not a democracy.” She accuses the Zionist Israeli government of gross human rights abuses of Palestinians, actions that create anti Jewish sentiments. She emphasizes that “it is not difficult to understand how brutalization invites hate. We can only guess how the children of Gaza (and all Palestinians as well) who grow up amidst the endless violence, suffering, death and so much hopelessness, will grow up to despise the people (Jews) who are their enemy.” She predicts that the Zionist Israeli Project is doomed to failure due to “Israel’s contempt and intolerance for other religions and cultures, and the desire to be a Jewish state.”

To sustain the momentum of the Zionist Project to reach its sinister goal, it was necessary to feed it with new warmongering young blood to replace the old and the depleted, and what is a better way to do so than programming the Jewish collective conscious of the new generations since childhood when their minds are still gullible, pliable, and open to suggestions. If they believe in the tooth fairy they would believe in Zionism especially if it is reinforced in their mind within every step of their mental and psychological development.

In a previous article, “Israel’s Terrorist Educational System”, I explained how Israel has become a full fledge militarized society through the militarization of their educational system that glorifies military power and war as the only way of Israeli life. It paints military service as the ultimate religious service that their god requests them to perform. It reinforces the concept of might is right. The most prominent characteristic of the Israeli educational system is its militarized color, where military personnel are entrusted with the management of all the educational institutions and the teaching of students. Israel also has rabbi-run and managed religious military institutions, known as “Yishovot Hahsadir”, that combine religious and military extremism, where gullible young Jewish minds are constantly fed with racist Zionist religious indoctrination as well as military training. With an angry, jealous, vengeful and murdering Judaic god, who murders even groups of his chosen people as well as their enemies, Israeli young generations learn that murder is a divine act rather than the ultimate sin.

Many Israeli scholars and writers seem to agree to this analysis. Israeli scholar and writer Erna Kazin noted that Israeli scholastic curriculums are designed to raise students, since childhood, within a militarized atmosphere glorifying the military in order to prepare students to become soldiers in the Israeli army. In his study “Israeli Struggle in the Hebrew Scholastic History Books’ Israeli researcher at Haifa University, Eli Bodia, concluded that the curriculum is deeply distorted by extreme Zionist ideology, breeds hatred against Arabs generally and Palestinians specifically, and had been a contributing obstacle to any real peace treaty with Palestinians.

Nurit Peled-Elhanan had noted, in her lecture, that the most recent history school books are more like military manifests. They justify massacres of Palestinians as allegedly saving the lives of Israelis, or as reprisals that restore the dignity and morality of the Israeli army and the confidence to the Jewish citizens. Dir Yasin massacre, as an example, is described as the incentive for the Palestinian flight that allows the creation of Israeli state and as necessary for Jewish existence. She explains that the cruel and criminal actions of the Israeli army, whose troops are very young in late teens and early twenties of age, can be understood through the study of their grossly distorted school text books that they had been indoctrinated with starting with their elementary through their high school education, that had been instrumental in shaping their values and perceptions of themselves as the elite race, the chosen people, and others as inferior races.

The observer can detect the presence of uniformed soldiers on duty stationed in Israeli schools as part of the school staff. In collaboration with the Ministries of Education and Defense the Israeli army operates two large-scale youth programs; a Teacher-Soldier program to train soldiers to become teacher, and a Youth-Guide program preparing students for military service. In the Youth-Guide program students are almost always in military uniform and report to both civilian and military superiors, promote militarism and exercise war games, and acclimate to viewing themselves as an integral part of the army. A 1974 teachers’ guide titled “When a Nation Reports for Duty” promotes military enlistment stating: “The entire people carry the burden of the war effort, and it is divided between those who wear the IDF uniform and the civilians who are not directly recruited by the IDF. Therefore it should be understood that (every) civilian carries the burden of the war effort”

Besides schooling students are exposed to military ceremonies, commemorations, speeches, field trips to military bases and holiday celebrations of battles with the enemy. Since 1984 training for military service was included in the school curriculum to prepare students for conscription into Youth Battalions. This reminds us of Germany’s Hitler-Youth program Israelis keep complaining about but seem to adopt it for their own youths.

The hetero-phobia, Elhanan sees Israelis raised on, can be detected in all the Israeli literatures starting with the children stories. Her research found that Israeli school books call the Arab citizens of Israel a demographic threat and the enemy from within. They are not represented as intelligent humans but as uneducated, primitive farmers, terrorists, thieves, unskilled, lazy and stupid. Palestinians, specifically, and Arabs generally are described as non-Jews; a clear racist perception. The Israeli history school books define Palestinian refugees living under Israeli occupation as a problem to be solved, not any different than the Nazi definition of German Jews as problem to be solved. Geography text books never show Israel as a state, but represent what is called the land of Israel without any borders and include large parts of the Arab World.

The book “Through the Hebrew Looking-Glass; Arab Stereotypes in Children’s Literature” by Palestinian writer Fouzi El-Asmar is an analytical study of the image of the Palestinian Arab in Israeli commercial story-books for children. El-Asmar concludes that the Israeli children literature “aims to perpetuate a lowly and despicable image of the Arab”. The Arabs are portrait as uneducated, dirty, cursing, corrupt, Bedouins, gangsters, robbers, saboteurs, foreign infiltrators, and land robbers, who stole the Jewish homeland and want to throw Jews in the sea.

The Arab Writers Guild published a study entitled “Racist Inclination in the Israeli Educational Curriculum” in Arabic by scholars Samir Sam’an and Khalil Sawahiri. The study describes the racist Judaic religious curriculum despising other religions; Christianity and Islam. It discusses the Israeli distortions of Palestine’s history and geography. It has a whole section about the racist Zionist values instilled in the Israeli educational system. Another interesting chapter analyzes racism in the Israeli children literature with some examples.

Yet the Israelis have the vulgar audacity to blame Palestinians and Arabs for raising their children to become “terrorists”. The attacks on the Arab and Islamic educational systems intensified after the Zionist-planned/Israeli-perpetrated attacks of September 11. The Israeli and American media concentrated their criticism of Islamic Madrasas (schools) claiming that they breed terrorists. The Bush administration had allocated $270 million of tax payers’ money to what his administration described as Middle Eastern programmes for literacy, education and reform to modernize and decentralize the educational systems of the Arab World to become more tolerable and accepting to other cultures. This endeavor was led by Elizabeth Cheney, then Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs. Cheney praised the cooperation of some Arab states (Jordan and Maghreb) especially Egypt who was instrumental in the program. The Egyptian daily “Rosa El-Yusef” reported that Suzan Mubarak, the wife of deposed Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, is under investigation for receiving $300 million bribe from the Israeli Consulate in Egypt to affect change in the Egyptian religious and history educational curriculum to become more Israeli friendly. Sarcastically, Benyamin Ben-Eliezar, an Israeli MP, is asking for the money back after deposing Mubarak family from office, according to the Egyptian daily.

The culture of racism and hate of all non-Jews infested in the hearts of the majority of Israelis will be their ultimate doom. Anti-Israeli and anti-Jewish sentiments are on the increase all over the world, including within the US, their strongest ally. This sentiment is a natural reaction to the barbaric, Spartan, Nazi Zionist Israeli occupation of Palestine, to the Israeli violations of all international laws and human rights, and to the Jewish contempt, rejection, and usury of all non-Jews. Most important this hate will eat Israelis from within. As has been disclosed recently the hate and discrimination between the different religious and political groups and ethnicities of Israelis are on the rise. Discrimination is rampant in the Israeli society against African Jews (Ethiopians in particular and blacks; “Kushim”, in general) and against Asian Jews (Iraqi, Iranian, Indian, Pakistani, and Chinese Jews). Religious discrimination against women is increasing demanding that women sit in the rear of the bus, similar to American blacks in the 50’s and 60’s. There is a discriminatory war going on between Western and Occidental Jews, and between the different religious factions; Hasidic, Ultra-Orthodox, Hareidi, and Chabad-Lubavitch religious groups.

Breeding hatred in Israel against all others who are differen turns inward against the different factions of the Israeli fabric. War is their only uniting factor. Israeli Jews are caught between a life of hatred and a life of perpetual war. I hope more Israeli Jews will wake up to the ugly realities of their state as Atzmon, Elhanan and Rosengarten had done.

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Roy Bard: Glad not to be ….. in the PSC

Dr. Elias Akleh is a Palestinian. In 1948 and again in 1967 his family were displaced, and like millions of other Palestinians, he now finds himself living outside of his homeland. It is perhaps fortunate that he did not move to the UK and join the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign PSC, because after their AGM on Saturday, he would most likely by now be facing moves to expel him from the same campaign that seeks to liberate him.

I say this after reading his recent article The Brainwashing of the Jews, in which he makes a number of strong claims about the Judaic religion and the role it has played in shaping Jewish Identity. In exploring his theme, he draws entensively on the work of Jewish writers Nurit Peled-Elhanan and Lillian Rosengarten, and also cites Atzmon approvingly. But, it is the inclusion of the latter which I think would have necessitated the PSC Star chamber to be reconvened.

Also fortunate not to be members of the PSC are Richard Falk and Prof. Mearsheimer, both of whom not only endorsed Atzmon’s book The Wandering Who?, but went on to refuse to withdraw their endorsements when their ‘mistakes’ were pointed out to them. Tony Greenstein would surely have no compunction in denouncing them to the PSC as anti-semites.

The thought that, had they been members, the PSC might have taken action against a Palestinian and two influential figures in the Palestinian solidarity discourse because they dared to suggest that Jewish ideology is a subject that can and should be debated, is especially ironic when you consider how Ben Cohen bemoans the fact that Jewish Power has failed to damage Mearsheimer, despite even the intervention of the mighty Dersh.

The fact that a controversy did not erupt, that the endorsement of a Holocaust revisionist by a prominent professor at a major university did not lead to calls for his dismissal or resignation or even a chin-pulling symposium in the pages of the New York Times’s “Sunday Review,” represents an important shift in the privileges that anti-Semites and their sympathizers enjoy.

Later he claims:

The truth is that the rising fixation with Jewish power in our time has unwittingly revealed Jewish emasculation instead. Jews do not control the discourse; rather, the discourse controls them.

I think Cohen, in highlighting how this is a struggle for control of the discourse, is dead right. His angle is that as the victim of anti-semitism, Jews should be able to decide what anti-semitism is, -and that that decision should not be challenged. So naturally, he is troubled that an increasing number of Jewish voices are vocally expressing dissent and insisting on opening up the discourse, because, as is clear, there cannot be an easily accepted definition of anti-semitism, when there is disagreement within the group said to be the real victims..

As a Palestinian Dr. Akleh welcomes the fact that more Jewish voices are speaking out against the ideology which with they have been ‘brainwashed’. As a Jew, Cohen wants those voices stopped, and punished.

Now, which side has been taken by the PSC?

In both Cohen and Akleh there are ideas worth considering, ideas which examine the question of anti-Semitism from opposite ends of the spectrum, and I would urge people to read them for themselves. And, if you’re worried about the PSC exec finding out you’re reading Akleh, why not do it under the bed-covers with a flashlight, in the early hours?

You should be safe…… for now.





Zionist Ron Paul on IsraHell: Zionism is Based on Independence and Self-Reliance


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Why the Question of Palestine is a Feminist Concern


By Neferti X. M. Tadiar

I was recently part of a fact-finding delegation to Palestine organized by the US Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel. The delegation was composed of concerned academics and scholars based in the U.S., including myself.[i] During our weeklong investigative trip, we were witness to multiple and varied testimonies to and clear evidence of the daily acts of violence, harassment and humiliation that Palestinians are subjected to, both massive and intimate. Individuals from several families living in Eastern Jerusalem told us their personal stories of being physically thrown out of their homes in the middle of the night, their houses pillaged and taken over by settlers (many of whom were only recently residents of the U.S.), their belongings strewn onto the streets only to be looted by morning, their children targeted to bear recurring nightmares of the punishing character of their eviction (being made to see, for example, the displayed burning of their dolls alongside that of their beds).

For Palestinians who were already refugees from the 1948 territorial establishment of the Israeli state, they have been forced to become refugees several times over in their own cities and neighborhoods, repeatedly made homeless beside their own homes (their makeshift tents burned numerous times), as ever-expanding settlements cause their displacement and military-protected settlers relentlessly and with impunity inflict upon them small and traumatic forms of abuse and cruelty intended to make Palestinian life in the areas claimed and colonized by the Israeli state exceedingly painful and difficult, if not impossible.

What became strikingly apparent to us from this investigative trip as well as from a review of the copious information available on the subject is that, Palestinians live under the conditions of a settler colonialist and apartheid regime, whose final aims in behalf of a ruling ethno-religious majority warrant the disposability of Palestinians as individuals and their eventual disappearance as a people. Increasingly and at an accelerated rate, Palestinians are being pushed out of territories that the Israeli state continues to grab and control, coerced into leaving the lands they have lived on for generations, the homes and communities they have built and continue to depend on to sustain their present and future lives and the cultural heritage and historical memory of their living pasts.

Whether they live in Israel or in the Occupied Territories, their basic civic freedoms and social rights are severely constricted, if not simply denied outright, as mandated by a system of legalized racial discrimination, segregation and inequality which reaches into the most intimate and subjective spaces of their everyday life, even to the point of imposing strictures on whom they may or may not love and share a life with.

I have been asked how I view the occupation of Palestine from my feminist perspective, or perhaps another way to put it, why and how I think the question of Palestine is a feminist concern. It seems to me that the question posed by the predicament of Palestinians is not merely the uncertainty of their future political fate as a people (a nation without a state, territory, and resources of its own, without capacities of self-determination). It is rather the question of the specific conditions of human devaluation and disposability to which they appear to be fated by a normalized system of exploitative inequality, dispossession and violence. That these conditions of devaluation and disposability depend on the maintenance of naturalized hierarchies of human difference (race, ethnicity, nationality, religion) will undoubtedly resonate with feminist analyses of forms of gendered devaluation, disposability and violence that obtain in many socio-historical contexts, including this one.

It is also the case, however, that beyond any homologies, which this theoretical resonance might suggest (eg. between racialized and gendered forms of devaluation and disposability), the projects of settler colonialism and apartheid nationalism that the Israeli state embodies and the logic of security which undergirds and legitimates its policies of surveillance, militarization and war have long been feminist concerns. Feminist analyses have shown how such projects are enabled and upheld not only by normative cultural ideals of gender and sexuality embedded in their constitutive conceptions of land, territory, sovereignty, people/race, citizenship, freedom and power.

As modes of producing and regulating life – indeed, as projects that see to the uneven distribution of life-chances (the augmentation of life-chances of some at the cost of the reduction of life-chances of others), like and in tandem with capitalism – the projects of settler colonialism and apartheid nationalism also require divisions of labor and forms of social reproduction (and social death) that are profoundly gendered and racialized in ways that exceed the dominant form of political antagonism.

Ultimately, however, what makes the question of Palestine a feminist concern does not rest on any one of these analytical perspectives or points of critique. It rests rather on the connections that the oppression and struggle of Palestinians enables us to draw across those differences on which the oppression depends and that the question as it is now posed presumes. It is a feminist concern because it calls us to forge new relations beyond the province of interests and inherited forms of social belonging to which we might have become tethered and, for those of us not already called, to feel the suffering and aspirations of Palestinians as also our own.

The strangulation of Palestinian life is, after all, not the accomplishment of one aberrant state, inasmuch as the latter is supported by a global economy and geopolitical order, which condemns certain social groups and strata to the status of absolutely redundant, surplus populations – an order of insatiable accumulation and destruction that affects all planetary life. The question of Palestine is thus an urgent question of a just and equitable future that is both specific to this context and to this people, and a general and paradigmatic global concern.

To take a stand in solidarity with and to be involved in the struggle of Palestinians to resist and transform the conditions of their own dispossession and disposability – to join in their aspiration for collective freedom and self-determination – is also to participate in the remaking of global life, which cannot but be a paramount feminist act.

**We will conclude this forum with an essay by Jasbir K. Puar on Monday**

[i] The other members of the delegation were: J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Robin D. G. Kelley, Bill Mullen, and Nikhil Pal Singh/

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One State, Two States: Who is the Subject of Palestinian Liberation?


My essay, “One State, Two States: Who is the Subject of Palestinian Liberation?” is up at MRZine.

One state or two?  Boycott of Israeli goods or goods from the settlements?  Is the lobby the genesis of American wrongdoing in Palestine or is it imperialism?  The questions — regarding vision, strategy, and analysis — produce sharp cleavages on the Left.  Indeed, generally ones much deeper than they need to be.  And they remain stubbornly unsettled.

They also congeal in the person of Norman Finkelstein, who has taken some unpopular positions — his insistent call for a two-state solution, his references to “cultish” aspects of BDS — as well as more popular ones, like blaming the occupation solely on the Israel lobby.  For that reason he has become a lightning rod, attracting furious bolts of criticism and support.  The core issues, however, remain obscured amidst a charged atmosphere of extravagant denunciations (catcalls of Zionism and worse) from one side and fierce defenses from the other.

From one perspective, it’s an odd contretemps.  Finkelstein has spent decades fighting for Palestinian dignity and a place for Palestinians to live free of the occupation’s suffocating violence and capricious indignities.  He is the maverick scholar who exposed the American intellectual community as a gaggle of hacks by dissecting Joan Peters’s From Time Immemorial, showing it to be a hoax intended to deny the Palestinians peoplehood by painting them as peripatetics who had fabricated a “Palestinian” identity to ride the wave of Israel’s successful nation-building project.  And his forensic dismantling of Israeli scholarly mythologies in Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict remains one of the very best primers on the prejudices that surround the conflict.

For all that time his fight has been for a two-state settlement: something that seemed reasonable in 1988 and in the early 1990s.  But what seemed possible twenty years ago — with the Israeli electorate temporarily shaken by the savage repression of the 1st intifada and Israeli capital needing to recover from the aftermath of the destabilizing military-industrial accumulation patterns of the 1970s and 1980s, break through the sectoral envelope of domestic accumulation, and globalize — seems less possible now, with militarized accumulation again on the rise in the Middle East and elsewhere.  In some ways, the argument for two states has become a relic when so much of the discourse (less so the organizing) of the radical pro-Palestinian Left in the West and the Palestinian Left in the Occupied Territories is oriented towards one single state.

Please read the comments. They are always the best part.


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