Archive | July 12th, 2012

Zio-Nazi Organ Theft: A$$i$ting Syrian Refugee$ in Jordan



Zio-Nazi Deputy Minister Ayoob Kara reveals for first time that Zio-Nazi regime representatives are working in Jordan on aiding injured Syrians who escaped the Assad regime

ed note–if indeed all that I$rael is doing here is ‘assisting’ those who have been injured, as Kara alleges, why all the secrecy?

The reason for this is obvious–I$rael is there not to assist the injured, but rather to assist in fomenting a civil war.

Israeli officials are present in Jordan working to assist Syrian refugees, Deputy Minister Ayoob Kara revealed on Thursday.

Speaking at a conference in Jerusalem, Kara said that he had “representatives” in Jordan who were making efforts to assist children and infants who have been injured in the Syrian military’s ongoing violent crackdown throughout Syria.

Kara, a Druse member of the Likud Party, said that one of the people he has sent to Jordan was his bureau chief, who was working alongside representatives from Israeli humanitarian organizations.

“They are in Jordan trying to help people who have been hurt in Syria,” he told The Jerusalem Post, confirming that the representatives he was referring to were Israeli citizens.

“They are there as part of the international assistance [to Syria] and not in the framework of the regime or government,” he said, adding that the focus now was on trying to get medicine and medical treatment to children and infants who have been injured in Syria.

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Dorothy Online Newsletter


Dear Friends,

[at this point (11:30 PM) we had a sudden power outage that lasted till 4:30 AM. Haven’t time to write now, so will dash this off without comments, even though I had quite a few.  Lucky you.



1 Tens of thousands of Palestinians suffer from water supply disruptions in East Jerusalem’

Those affected are all Jerusalem residents with blue, Israeli-issued identity cards who live on either side of the separation fence.


By Nir Hasson

Jul.11, 2012


For the past month the water supply to tens of thousands of Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem has been sporadic, at times no more than two days a week. The problem affects communities connected to the city water system as well as ones that receive their water from the Palestinian Authority.


Those affected are all Jerusalem residents with blue, Israeli-issued identity cards who live on either side of the separation fence.


The problem is predominantly on the Palestinian side of the fence in the northern Jerusalem neighborhoods of Ras Khamis, Ras Shahada and Hashalom as well as the Shoafat refugee camp. Residents of these communities say that for the past few weeks they have had a regular water supply only two to three days a week. Sometimes there is water only at night, and usually the water pressure is quite low. Water to these neighborhoods is supplied by Gihon, the Jerusalem municipality’s water corporation.


Residents say the problem has led to disputes over water use and connections to the water supply. Two people sustained gunshot wounds during one dispute between two families that escalated about two weeks ago. Residents pelted the Border Police officers who tried to separate the combatants with rocks and Molotov cocktails.


Practically every family in the affected area has spent thousands of shekels on a rooftop cistern and pump so they can store water when the faucets are running for later use.


“We’ve started buying bottled water, and people have stopped showering. We used to bathe the kids every day, now it’s once a week,” said Jamil Sanduqa, the head of the Ras Khamis residents’ committee.


Gihon claims the problem is the result of people illegally tapping into the water system.


“Why is it my problem that people are stealing water?” Sanduqa said, adding, “They have to solve the problem and not disrupt the lives of 70,000 residents.”


It would appear that the 45 years that have passed since the city’s unification were not enough time for the authorities to connect all of East Jerusalem’s residents to the municipal water system. Thousands of them, mainly in the northern neighborhoods of Kafr Aqab, on the Palestinian side of the fence, but also in Beit Hanina, on the Israeli side, receive their water supply from El Bireh, near Ramallah. They too are experiencing disruptions to their water supply. They attribute the problem to the overall water shortage in the Palestinian Authority, which relies on the water allocations supplied to it by Israel.


On Monday, attorney Nisreen Alyan of the Association of Civil Rights in Israel sent a letter to the head of Gihon demanding a resolution of the water supply problem in the areas under the municipal corporation’s jurisdiction.


“The right to water is a basic right,” says Alyan. “It is incumbent on the authorities that govern the area to supply this basic right, especially during the summer. The disregard of the fact that entire neighborhoods are not linked to the water network is unacceptable.”


In a response, Gihon said: “There is a widespread phenomenon of water theft in this area, which we have been warning the Water Authority about for a very long time. At the same time, in the wake of the request by ACRI regarding the problem in the Shoafat refugee camp, it was agreed to hold a meeting with representatives of the association, in order to find creative ways to try to solve the problems. Gihon is continuously and individually dealing with consumers who report all sorts of problems with service, irrespective of their geographic location.”



2 Forwarded by Sam B


Army To Arrest, Deport, Internationals Living In The West Bank

Wednesday July 11, 2012 03:30 by Saed Bannoura – IMEMC & Agencies


Israeli Ynet News reported that the Israeli Central Command Chief, Nitzan Alon, signed an order granting the Israeli Population and Immigration Authority “the right” to search for, and arrest, internationals illegally living in the occupied West Bank, in order to deport them”.

Image PNN

Alon described the foreigners residing in the West Bank without a permit from Israel as “infiltrators’, and said that they all must be sent back to their countries.


Under this order, the army will be allowed to arrest foreigners in the Palestinian territories, move them into prisons in Israel until all deportation measures and documentations are concluded.


Alon said that this decision was made due to what he called the “large number of infiltrators currently residing in the West Bank”, the Ynet said.


Israel is in control of all border terminals in the West Bank, internationals living in the Palestinian territories face numerous hardships and obstacles as Israel refuses to renew their entry visas.


Israel also prevented dozens of international peace activists from entering the occupied territories, by placing an “Entry Denied” stamp on their passports, preventing most of them from entering the country for 10 years.


The Palestinian Authority in the West Bank does not control border terminals, and cannot issue entry visas.


Internationals living in the occupied West Bank cannot renew their visas due to the fact that the P.A cannot issue such visas, and Israel refuses to grant them visas due to the fact that they live in Palestinian areas.

Israeli restrictions against internationals living in the West Bank are also forcing the separation of hundreds of families where Palestinians are married to Arab or international spouses as Israel is refusing to grant them family reunification documents.



3  Major drop recorded in number of secular IDF draft dodgers

Haredim make up largest group of Israeli Jews granted draft exemptions, according to official IDF statistics.


By Amos Harel

Jul.11, 2012


The rate at which potential secular and religious Zionist conscripts have been exempted from military service has declined substantially, and the number of actual draft evaders among them has been reduced to negligible levels.


On the other hand, official Israel Defense Forces statistics reveal that more than half of Jewish Israeli men who were exempted from the draft last year were ultra-Orthodox men engaged in religious studies.


The data from the IDF personnel division were contained in a document released last week by the Knesset Research and Information Center. They were also provided to the panel headed by Kadima MK Yohanan Plesner that attempted to develop an alternative to the Tal Law, which provided draft deferments for Haredi yeshiva students. The Supreme Court ruled the Tal Law unconstitutional.


The data show that about 75 percent of 18-year-old Jewish Israeli males were drafted last year. Among the 25 percent who were not drafted, 13 percent were Haredim who received deferments to pursue religious studies.


As recently as 2004, that figured was only 8.4 percent. But it rose to 13 percent in 2009 and has been stable since. The IDF personnel division predicts that the percentage will increase in the coming years if conscription policy does not change.


There has been a major decline in recent years in the numbers of non-ultra-Orthodox draft-age men who have been given draft exemptions. In 2005, the rate was 14.8 percent. It actually rose to a high of 16.3 percent in 2007, but then declined last year to 12.1 percent, following a 2007 IDF campaign against draft evasion.


Brig. Gen. Amir Rogovsky, former head of planning in the IDF personnel division, said the decrease was the result of a decision by the IDF to actively halt the trend of exemptions, after a substantial increase in exemptions for non-religious reasons (primarily for psychological or other medical reasons ).


Of the 12 percent of non-Haredi Jewish males who were exempted from the draft, 3 percent were living abroad; approximately another 3 percent had such low army evaluations that the IDF would not have an interest in drafting them; roughly another 6 percent were exempt for medical reasons, with about an even split between those exempt for psychological reasons and for other medical conditions.



4   Today in Palestine

Tuesday, July 10, 2012


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IsraHell in the EU and NATO? It’s not so crazy, says former Bulgarian FM


Former Bulgarian Foreign Minister Solomon Passy in 2009 (photo credit: courtesy Solomon Passy)

Solomon Passy, who led his country into both unions, says Jerusalem’s diplomacy should be more ‘aggressive in the positive sense’ to seek entry into key forums. No, says the Foreign Ministry

Times of Israel
Israel should more assertively seek to join NATO and the European Union, Bulgaria’s former foreign minister has told The Times of Israel.

If anybody is qualified to give Israel such advice, it’s likely Solomon Passy, who spearheaded the former Warsaw Pact member state’s successful membership bids to both unions.

“Israel is part of Western civilization and of the Euro-Atlantic political culture and that’s why Israel shouldn’t be shy to vocally say that it wants to become a member of NATO, the EU and OSCE [Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe],” said Passy, who served as Sofia’s top diplomat from 2001 until 2005, during a visit to Israel last week. “I very much believe that better integration and cooperation with Israel with the Euro-Atlantic security, political and economic structures will be very much to the benefit of both sides.”

Passy, who is Jewish and proudly mentions that he was hosted by the last four Israeli presidents in Jerusalem, said Thursday he is aware that Israel’s entry to these unions is not around the corner. But Israel should not be discouraged but rather initiate steps leading to eventual membership in these exclusive clubs.

Solomon Passy aboard an F-16 in 2007 (photo credit courtesy: Solomon Passy)

“Israeli foreign policy could be more aggressive, aggressive in the positive sense of the word,” said Passy, adding that while he shares the view of many that Israel is isolated internationally, that doesn’t mean Jerusalem should not try to break out of that isolation.

“Our countries wouldn’t be invited to join the EU or NATO if we had not been aggressive enough,” he said, referring to the former Communist nations of Eastern Europe. “Bulgaria, for example, was in deep isolation after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Bulgaria was one as the closest allies of the Soviet Union and we ourselves felt the country was isolated,” said Passy, who was the negotiator and signatory to the accession treaties of Bulgaria with both NATO, in 2004, and the European Union, in 2007.

“But we didn’t want to leave it at that. We started fighting, we started changing public opinion and we started formulation of long-term goals. Of course Israel is, for natural reasons, preoccupied with solving the problems of the Middle East, but life is much bigger than that.”

During his Israel visit, Solomon, who was part of a delegation of the Institute for Cultural Diplomacy, a Berlin-based political think tank, met with President Shimon Peres and Foreign Minister Avigdor Liberman.

Liberman’s thinking “is very much in line” with his own ideas, Solomon said. However, Foreign Ministry officials told The Times of Israel that Jerusalem is currently not taking any concrete steps to apply for membership in either NATO or EU. “We have programs with both, and we always seek to enhance our relationship with our partners, but that’s about it,” one official said.

European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso is scheduled to visit Israel for the first time Monday. One of the EU’s most powerful officials, Barroso will meet with Peres and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. On Tuesday, he will receive an honorary doctorate from the University of Haifa. His keynote address at the event is entitled: “Moving together towards a brighter future.”

Israel already cooperates with the European Union in various fields (including, for example, with ESA, the European Space Agency) and bodies such as the European Organization for Nuclear Research, better known as CERN, or the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, which Israel joined in 2010.

“This is an excellent platform to build upon,” said Passy.

Passy, who chaired the OSCE from 2005 until 2009, sees “huge potential” for cooperation between Israel and the European Union especially in the area of information and communication technologies and high-tech in general. “Israel leads by far in this area — on the world scene — and having in mind the very positive ambitions of the European Union in that respect, I think that we could establish long-lasting and strategic cooperation between Israel and European Union.”

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How obsession with “nonviolence” harms the Palestinian cause


How obsession with “nonviolence” harms the Palestinian cause
Linah Alsaafin The Electronic Intifada Ramallah 10 July 2012

Palestinians do not have to tailor their resistance to the liking of the oppressor class and their supporters. (Mahfouz Abu Turk / APA images)
In recent years, western discourse surrounding the Palestinian cause has employed a few new — and superficial — adjectives to describe Palestinian resistance: Palestinian “nonviolent” resistance, Palestinian “peaceful” resistance, Palestinian “popular” resistance, Palestinian “unarmed” resistance. And the ever so popular Palestinian “Gandhi-style” resistance.

This discourse has been adopted by the Palestinian popular struggle committees, born after the success story of the occupied West Bank village of Budrus that embarked on popular protests and managed to regain 95 percent of its lands that were expropriated by Israel’s apartheid wall in 2003. However, the obsessive, fetish-like concentration on a specific type of resistance has in one way or another contributed to the delegitimization of other forms of resistance, while simultaneously closing off open discussion on what popular resistance actually is.

An historical overview of Palestinian resistance would testify to its use of different forms, although they were not viewed separately by Palestinians themselves. Palestinians were aware of their rights being stripped from them and confronted their occupiers.

There were the 1929 Wailing Wall/Buraq Wall demonstrations against the domination of the site by Jews who were backed by the British Mandate that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Palestinians and Jews; the 1935 armed uprising spearheaded by Izz al-Din Qassam against British soldiers; the six-month trade strike against the British Mandate and Jewish colonialists the following year; and the subsequent three-year uprising brutally crushed by the British.

During the outbreak of what became known as the first intifada, in 1987, the iconic image of a Palestinian rock thrower facing a fully-armed, sophisticated army “redeemed” the Palestinian resistance of hijacking planes in the 1970s.

No need to explain

Nowadays, Israelis and internationals and unfortunately even some “enlightened” Palestinians champion “nonviolent resistance” and consider throwing a rock to be a violent act. The argument goes that throwing rocks tarnishes the reputation of Palestinians in the western world and immediately negates the “nonviolent/peaceful” resistance movement. This argument falls into the trap of western- (read, colonizer) dictated methods of acceptable means to resist.

Oppressed people do not and should not have to explain their oppression to their oppressor, nor tailor their resistance to the comfort of the oppressors and their supporters.

The last time we truly had a genuine, grassroots popular resistance movement in Palestine (before the protests against Israel’s apartheid wall in the West Bank village of Budrus in the early 2000s) was during first three years of the first intifada.

In 2005, people in the village of Bilin began their weekly protests against the wall Israel built on their land. The Popular Struggle Coordination Committee (PSCC) was formed in 2008, touted as the rebirth of popular resistance as more and more West Bank villages started their own weekly protests and were effectively swept under the wings of the PSCC.

Mohammed Khatib, one of the founders of the PSCC, told me in an interview that the committee “sought to undertake creative direct action as a result of the low numbers in the protests.”

Bailed out by PA

The model of the PSCC is built around generating international support and media awareness, and on this front it has proven to be highly successful. Yet the use of the term of “popular resistance” is unfair and quite simply an inaccuracy as these demonstrations are built around no mobilizing strategy or goal, do not include the majority or even half of the villagers, and some of those who do take part prevent their wives and daughters from joining in.

The structure of the committee is built on an undemocratic basis, with self-appointed figures from the various villages fulfilling the leadership roles. The unelected Palestinian Authority prime minister, the darling of Europe and the US, Salam Fayyad funds the committee with more than half a million shekels ($125,000) each year.

“Since October 2009, we have been getting 50,000 shekels per month from Fayyad,” Khatib said. The money ostensibly goes to paying the bails of Palestinians arrested during the protests, logistical needs and administrative purposes.

“The financial costs could not be covered except from the support and donations of official bodies,” Khatib explained. “During one month in 2008, fifty Palestinians were arrested from Bilin. Fifty people needed to be represented by a lawyer and have their bail paid. Donations from supporters were just not enough.”

Fayyad carries an agenda with him, which he has no qualms in making public. During the seventh annual Bilin conference in April this year, he spoke about how these “popular protests are the steps toward an economically independent Palestinian state on the 1967 borders.” This is in stark contrast to the popular chants at these same demonstrations of “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.”

More concretely, of course, Fayyad nominally commands the security forces that work with the very same Israeli occupation army that is carrying out the theft of land from the villages.

Khatib is aware of the criticisms relating to an alleged popular committee accepting funds from politicians. “I’ve personally met with Salam Fayyad several times since April 2011 and told him that the popular committees do not want his money, but he didn’t listen,” Khatib added.

The PSCC is also funded by nongovernmental organizations who come in with their own schemes and plans. For example, the Spanish group NoVA seeks, according to its website, to “offer support for civil society in conflict areas in the field of violence prevention, peace building, mediation and nonviolent conflict transformation” (

NoVA supports a study program called the Executive Diploma for Leading Change. According to participant Beesan Ramadan, the Spanish deputy consul Pablo Sanz was brought into one of the classes to lecture about the “proper way to resist” and then proceeded to say that Palestinians should be “pragmatic” and to consider not throwing rocks in protests. Sanz argued that it makes the consuls’ jobs harder if they encounter rock throwing when they attended protests with European officials.

Mired in apathy

This is the root problem for the protests that internationals and Israelis so love to participate in. The PSCC is not reflective of Palestinian society, one that is mired in deep apathy due to a number of factors: the dependency of large numbers of people on loans from banks, the illusion of a “state” as introduced by Fayyad’s neoliberal agenda of “state-building,” the high cost of sacrifices already made and the exhaustion of 64 years of increasing and incessant occupation and colonization.

Overshadowing all of it are the Oslo accords of the 1990s, which only legitimized and entrenched the Israeli occupation instead of getting rid of it.

A need for mobilization

Meanwhile, efforts are made to bring in European and international delegations and show them around the villages engaging in the weekly protests, and in establishing solidarity links that lead to speaking tours during which leaders of the popular committees talk about “nonviolent resistance.”

However, equal effort is not made toward mobilizing Palestinians. The failure to do so is indicative of the prevalent attitude in Palestinian society, one that hasn’t changed since Bilin’s first protest in 2005. Seven years of weekly protests and the general attitude is again one of apathy, contempt for “Fayyad’s resistance” and despair regarding the uselessness of it all, of how the youth are bravely risking their lives week in, week out and how that won’t change the status quo.

By criticizing this model of protests, I am in no way seeking to belittle or cast doubt on the courage of men and women who protest against the occupier, or the sacrifices made by numerous villages, particularly by those whose sons and daughters have been martyred or injured by the Israeli forces.

The psychological and physical stresses that villagers suffer from frequent night raids on their homes, multiple arrests of their family members, and the helplessness of not being able to give their children a better future are all to be taken into consideration, as well as their admirable steadfastness and conviction that these protests are an effective means to challenge the occupation.

No such thing as “joint struggle” with Israelis

In addition to questions about the strategy behind and efficacy of these forms of protests, the participation of Israeli activists is certainly a topic of great debate. Today’s dynamics of “Palestinian resistance” have drawn more and more Israelis to the protests and made it an attractive prospect, almost like a tourist destination.

Unless explicitly stated by villagers or the Palestinian community involved in demonstrations, no one is refusing to allow Israelis come to the protests. With that in mind, it is also helpful to acknowledge that the majority of Palestinian society does not trust Israelis from the outset. So what exactly should the role of Israeli activists be?

It goes without saying that Israeli activists must never take a decision-making or leadership role in the Palestinian struggle, but instead must remain on the periphery. In my experience, most of the Israeli activists already know and understand that. Once establishing their presence in Palestinian protests, their primary responsibilities are documenting the Israeli occupying army’s crimes, facilitating legal proceedings in the case of Palestinians getting arrested by the Israeli army and diverting arrest, which means placing themselves in front of Palestinians who are about to get arrested to allow the Palestinians more time to escape arrest.

Eltezam Morrar from Budrus, who led the women in her village to protest against the occupation army, shared her fear that the present-day reality is not totally led by Palestinian voices.

“Any international or Israeli who wants to join us in our demos is welcomed,” she told me. “But as my father once said, we are the ones who put the agendas for the resistance and the Israeli or international supporters follow it. Nowadays I am not really sure if the agendas are 100 percent Palestinian.”

This issue is exacerbated by the absence of a truly representative Palestinian leadership able to lay out a strategy for resistance and mass mobilization, instead of busying itself with creating a police (non)state in the West Bank bantustans, or autocratic rule under Hamas in Gaza.

Some Israeli activists speak explicitly of a “joint struggle” between Israelis and Palestinians (see, for example, Noa Shaindlinger’s 24 June article “Thoughts on a joint, but unequal struggle” on the website +972).

But to put it bluntly, there is no such thing as a “joint struggle.”

Israeli anarchists, many of whom attend the Palestinian protests and who are perhaps the closest to understanding the Palestinian struggle, don’t even identify themselves as Israelis to begin with, so the term doesn’t make much sense anyway. There must be an understanding of what the Palestinian struggle is about, specifically so that liberal Zionists won’t waste their time coming to protests all in the name of “peace” and “the two-state solution.”

There can be no peace without justice, and justice means decolonization, allowing the implementation of the right of return for Palestinian refugees, and obliterating all the racist laws and policies of Israeli apartheid and occupation. That means no Jewish state, no supremacist laws and no different systems for people of different ethnic backgrounds.

No symmetry under occupation

The term “joint struggle” implies a degree of equality or at least symmetry, and that is definitely not the case between Israelis and Palestinians, even if they are dodging the same rubber bullets and inhaling the same tear gas.

Israeli activists are solidarity activists, just like their international counterparts. There is no clear role for solidarity activists precisely because there is no clear Palestinian resistance strategy within Palestine.

If there was an aim to the protests, then solidarity activists would join the villagers from, for example, Nabi Saleh and trek down the hill to where the stolen village spring lies, instead of habitually hanging back and philosophizing on the inhuman nature of the occupation soldiers.

The fact that Israeli activists live on Palestinian colonized land spurs them to want to do more and be considered as more than solidarity activists, as they claim that they are connected to the Palestinian cause, which is true enough. The problem lies with what sort of actions are implemented, and what these Israeli activists can do to chip away at the occupying, colonizing system.

Israeli activists should focus on changing their own society

Israeli activists must work within their own societies and communities. Of course this will be a very difficult and even dangerous task, as one would expect in a society where racism and fascism are so institutionalized.

To Palestinians, that would make the difference, not swamping weekly protests that don’t hold much credibility with Palestinians in the first place, and sometimes even outnumbering the Palestinian participants.

Complaints from some Israeli activists of how horrible they are treated and of the persecution they receive at the hands the army can come off as self-indulgent, especially when arrests or injuries of Israelis and internationals are already far more likely to be widely reported anyway than the routine and horrifying abuses suffered by Palestinians on a far larger scale.

Israeli activists sometimes despair about how pointless and ineffective their efforts are in creating more awareness about the realities of the occupation within their own communities but that should only spur them to be more creative in coming up with strategies to confront and challenge their society.

For now, Palestinians must also work within their own societies in order to mobilize and inject the society with the spirit of volunteerism and social community that is now fragmenting due to neoliberal economic policies that widen inequality, aid dependency, debt and consumerism.

“Becoming an anti-Zionist in Israeli society is such a difficult process that demands lots of bravery and courage,” a friend of mine from Nazareth observed, “and when they resort to me, I have the privilege to rescue them as human beings and not reject them just because they were born to this dysfunctional society.”

No one is rejecting Israeli anti-Zionists, but simply calling yourself an anti-Zionist, and even coming to protests is not enough. Israeli activists who do so claim, for the most part, to understand the privileges they enjoy due to being white and Jewish in a colonial situation. But it is not always clear that they understand in practice how these privileges continue to manifest themselves in their interactions with Palestinians.

Toward a truly popular resistance

Despite the good intentions of the internationals and the Israelis who come to protests, their presence can also buttress the notion that Palestinians need someone to speak in their name. Not only is this model of resistance hugely ineffective in terms of outcome and mobilizing Palestinians, it also helps maintains the status quo that both Israel and the Palestinian Authority strive to protect.

Bassem Tamimi, one of the leaders of the popular struggle committee in Nabi Saleh, acknowledged that the reality on the ground is not a popular resistance.

“We are still in the preliminary stages. I would even say the stages behind the preliminaries behind the first step to be taken toward a popular resistance. There are a lot of faults with the current model. When we first started out on these weekly protests we used the term ‘popular resistance’ as a way to mobilize so that in the near future, it could be just that. Now we’re at a stagnation point.”

Building from the ground up

Revolutions and successful resistance do not take place overnight. It takes months, years for a movement to establish itself. The struggle must be brought back to the Palestinians themselves, and one sure way to mobilize is not through protests or speeches, but through social community work (which incidentally is what made Hamas so popular from its establishment, especially in the refugee camps).

Get to know the people on the street. Ask them what they need, what they are suffering from. It could be a broken roof or not having enough money to pay their daughter’s university tuition. Trust begins to be built up in different communities, and with that awareness and the spark to rekindle a true resistance movement on the ground.

As Paolo Freire rightly pointed out, “No pedagogy which is truly liberating can remain distant from the oppressed by treating them as unfortunates and by presenting for their emulation models from among the oppressors. The oppressed must be their own example in the struggle for their redemption.”

Linah Alsaafin is a recent graduate of Birzeit University in the West Bank. She was born in Cardiff, Wales and was raised in England, the United States and Palestine. Her website is

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Russia sends warships to Syria


Russia despatched a flotilla of warships to its naval base in the Syrian port of Tartus on Tuesday in an apparent show of support for President Bashar al-Assad. 

Two destroyers and three amphibious landing vessels carrying marines set sail from Russian bases in the Arctic and the Black Sea, according to Russian military sources.

Russia’s defence ministry insisted that the mission was part of a previously scheduled exercise in the Atlantic, Mediterranean and Black Sea and at least one of the vessels in the flotilla has patrolled waters off Syria earlier this year.

But Western diplomats say the purpose of the mission is to show tangible support for Mr Assad, to warn the West against military intervention in Syria and to prepare for the possible evacuation of Russian nationals from the country.

Russia renewed naval patrols in the Mediterranean in 2007 – after a 15-year hiatus – with a wider aim of expressing the country’s military resurgence.

It was unclear whether the ships were carrying weapons supplies or large numbers of marines.

This week, Moscow announced that it would halt the delivery of new weapons to the Syrian armed forces, while some of Mr Assad’s leading opponents have been invited to the Kremlin for talks.

Meanwhile, Kofi Annan, the UN and Arab League special envoy to Syria, sought regional support for his faltering peace plan as he held talks with senior officials in both Iran and Iraq.

Mr Annan, who said this week that he was working on a new proposal to end the fighting in Syria, said he believed that Iran could play a “positive role” in ending the crisis, despite its close relationship with the Assad regime.

The United States has accused Iran of propping up Mr Assad, by giving him arms and logistical support.

Mr Annan has said that he will brief the Syrian opposition on a new approach he has agreed with Mr Assad earlier this week. Although he would not be drawn on the specifics of the proposal, he said that his new plan involved ending the conflict on a step-by-step basis, beginning with districts that have suffered the worst violence.

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Gentile family hides out in Canadian church fearing deportation to IsraHell


The Brovman family: Ilan, Katrin, Irit and Tom (image capture: Toronto Sun online)


Father launches hunger strike, says discrimination against non-Jews led him to file refugee claim

ed note–if this were a Muslim family, fearing deportation back to one of those HORRIBLE MOOZLIM countries, it would be headline news all over the JMSM. HOWEVER, when it is a Gentile family fearing deportation back to Israel after personally experiencing violence and racism against them for their being of the ‘goysiche’ variety, it gets as little play as possible.


For Ilan and Irit Brovman, fear of being deported to Israel, where they claim they suffered from discrimination because they are not Jewish, has led them to seek sanctuary in a Canadian church. The couple, along with their two children — Tom, 8, and Katrin, 5 –  have been living for more than a year in a church in a Toronto suburb to escape arrest and expulsion.

The Brovmans arrived in Canada from Israel in 2007 and filed refugee claims upon landing at the airport. The claims were rejected and subsequent appeals on humanitarian grounds were also unsuccessful. They were slated to be deported in July 2011 but sought asylum in the church.

The family, which moved to Israel from Russia in 1992, claimed they suffered from discrimination by Israelis because they were not Jewish. “We tried to go to the police and we tried to talk to teachers. People just refused to believe the fact that our son was beaten because he’s not Jewish,” said Ilan Brovman in an interview to the Toronto Sun on Sunday.

“We are concerned about the racism since we are Russians and not Jews living in Israel,” he said. “We have been working hard in Canada and trying to be model citizens.”

Brovman began a hunger strike on June 29. “I don’t plan on eating until something happens to us,” he said. “We are afraid the border services will storm into the church and take us and put us on a plane.”

“It has been a very difficult year for us,” said Brovman. “We are scared and my wife and kids haven’t left this church for the entire time.”

West Hill minister Gretta Vosper told the Sun her congregation voted in June 2011 to allow the Brovmans to stay at the church.

“Mr. Brovman was deeply troubled by the thought of returning to Israel,” Vosper said in a letter. “The threat that his children would experience the abuse while living there was overwhelming for him.”

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Mark Dankof’s America: Zionist Role in 9/11

Mark Dankof’s America July 11, 2012

by crescentandcross

Mark Dankof interviews Dr Robert Sungenis about the Israeli role in 9/11


Download Here


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Germany to pay an additional $300 million in restitution to Holocaust survivors


Approximately 80,000 Jews who fled the Nazis for eastern Europe will be eligible for the additional funds

NEW YORK (JTA) – Germany has agreed to provide restitution payments to an additional 80,000 Jews in what Claims Conference officials are describing as a historic breakthrough.

The agreement, which was reached Monday in negotiations between German officials and Claims Conference representatives, is likely to result in additional payments of approximately $300 million. Most of the money will go to Nazi victims in the former Soviet Union who have never before qualified for pensions or payments from German restitution money.

“This is the last group of people who have never received any compensation,” Greg Schneider, the executive vice president of the Claims Conference, told JTA in a telephone interview from Washington, where the negotiations took place.

“For people who suffered during the time of the Shoah, recognition from Germany is vital. To be able to do that at this stage, 60 years after the first restitution agreement, for 80,000 people, is tremendous,” he said. “For a survivor now in their old age to finally get acknowledgment from Germany is critically important.”

Most of the money will come from the Hardship Fund, which grants one-time payouts of 2,556 euro — approximately $3,150 — to Jews who fled the Nazis as they swept eastward through Europe. Until now, those payments were not available to Jews in Ukraine, Russia and other non-European Union countries in Eastern Europe. Applications for the fund will be available starting Nov. 1.

In many of those countries, the lump sum could amount to four years of regular pension payments, according to Schneider.

In Monday’s negotiations, Germany also agreed to equalize the monthly pensions it sends to survivors around the world, correcting what until now had been a disparity that saw survivors living in western countries receiving more than those in eastern countries. All survivors will now receive the equivalent of approximately $370 per month.

Germany also agreed to relax the eligibility rules for those who receive restitution payments for being forced into hiding during the Nazi era. Until now, only those who went into hiding for at least 12 months were eligible; now the eligibility threshold will be six months.

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