Archive | June 6th, 2014

Syria Today 19: Disgrace U.S slams elections as ‘a disgrace


“Today’s presidential election in 
Syria is a disgrace,” State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf said. “Assad has no more credibility today than he did yesterday.”



WASHINGTON: The United States on Tuesday denounced Syrian leader Bashar Al-Assad’s attempt to shore up his authority by staging presidential elections in the middle of a brutal civil war.

Voters turned out in government-controlled areas of Syria to vote in an election seen as certain to return long-standing leader Assad to office with a mandate to continue his battle against rebel forces.

At least 162,000 people have been killed in Syria since an uprising against Assad’s rule erupted in March 2011, triggering a savage crackdown. More than half the population have fled their homes.

Washington blames the chaos on Assad’s rule and has demanded he give way to a transitional government.

Harf said the decision to hold elections was “detached from reality” and part of “a 40-year legacy of violent repression.”

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Syrian Today 18: Teenager killed by Zio-Wahhabi Nusra Front in Lebanon

The 14-year-old Syrian boy’s body was found dumped at the side of a road in east Lebanon (File/AFP)

The Al-Qaeda-linked Nusra Front Thursday killed a 14-year-old Syrian and threw his body onto the side road in east Lebanon, security sources told The Daily Star.

The sources said a car bearing the black flag of the radical group fighting government forces in the Syrian civil war tossed the boy’s body onto a road in the Arsal area of Wadi Hmayyed in the afternoon.

Unconfirmed media reports said that a note bearing the message “this is the punishment of he who curses God” was found next to the teen’s body.

The reports said that the boy worked for a gas station in Wadi Hmayyed and got into a dispute with the militants Wednesday night while they were filling water canisters from the station. The militants later kidnapped the boy and killed him, the reports said.

Security incidents and kidnappings linked to radical groups have recently surged in the Sunni-dominated town of Arsal, where most residents oppose Syrian President Bashar Assad’s regime. Last weekend, three teens were briefly kidnapped and tortured in the town by the Nusra Front, over an incident linked to trading cigarettes.

Islamist groups fighting in Syria – such as the Nusra Front – have been known to physically punish people under the pretext of applying Shariah law.

The wider Arsal area, which previously had a population of 35,000, is hosting more than 50,000 Syrian refugees.

The outskirts of the town have become a hub for Syrian militants who crossed into Lebanon after Syrian government troops wrested control of the country’s border areas from rebels earlier this year.

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Memo to Potential Whistleblowers: If You See Something, Say Something

Global Research

Blowing the whistle on wrongdoing creates a moral frequency that vast numbers of people are eager to hear. We don’t want our lives, communities, country and world continually damaged by the deadening silences of fear and conformity.

I’ve met many whistleblowers over the years, and they’ve been extraordinarily ordinary. None were applying for halos or sainthood. All experienced anguish before deciding that continuous inaction had a price that was too high. All suffered negative consequences as well as relief after they spoke up and took action. All made the world better with their courage.

Whistleblowers don’t sign up to be whistleblowers. Almost always, they begin their work as true believers in the system that conscience later compels them to challenge.

“It took years of involvement with a mendacious war policy, evidence of which was apparent to me as early as 2003, before I found the courage to follow my conscience,” Matthew Hoh recalled this week.“It is not an easy or light decision for anyone to make, but we need members of our military, development, diplomatic and intelligence community to speak out if we are ever to have a just and sound foreign policy.”

Hoh describes his record this way:

“After over 11 continuous years of service with the U.S. military and U.S. government, nearly six of those years overseas, including service in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as positions within the Secretary of the Navy’s Office as a White House Liaison, and as a consultant for the State Department’s Iraq Desk, I resigned from my position with the State Department in Afghanistan in protest of the escalation of war in 2009.”

Another former Department of State official, the ex-diplomat and retired Army colonel Ann Wright, who resigned in protest of the Iraq invasion in March 2003, is crossing paths with Hoh on Friday as they do the honors at a ribbon-cutting — half a block from the State Department headquarters in Washington — for a billboard with a picture of Pentagon Papers whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg. Big-lettered words begin by referring to the years he waited before releasing the Pentagon Papers in 1971. “Don’t do what I did,” Ellsberg says on the billboard.

“Don’t wait until a new war has started, don’t wait until thousands more have died, before you tell the truth with documents that reveal lies or crimes or internal projections of costs and dangers. You might save a war’s worth of lives.”

The billboard – sponsored by the ExposeFacts organization, which launched this week — will spread to other prominent locations in Washington and beyond. As an organizer for ExposeFacts, I’m glad to report that outreach to potential whistleblowers is just getting started. (For details, visit We’re propelled by the kind of hopeful determination that Hoh expressed the day before the billboard ribbon-cutting when he said: “I trust ExposeFacts and its efforts will encourage others to follow their conscience and do what is right.”

The journalist Kevin Gosztola, who has astutely covered a range of whistleblower issues for years, pointed this week to the imperative of opening up news media. “There is an important role for ExposeFacts to play in not only forcing more transparency, but also inspiring more media organizations to engage in adversarial journalism,” he wrote.

“Such journalism is called for in the face of wars, environmental destruction, escalating poverty, egregious abuses in the justice system, corporate control of government, and national security state secrecy. Perhaps a truly successful organization could inspire U.S. media organizations to play much more of a watchdog role than a lapdog role when covering powerful institutions in government.”

Overall, we desperately need to nurture and propagate a steadfast culture of outspoken whistleblowing. A central motto of the AIDS activist movement dating back to the 1980s – Silence = Death – remains urgently relevant in a vast array of realms. Whether the problems involve perpetual war, corporate malfeasance, climate change, institutionalized racism, patterns of sexual assault, toxic pollution or countless other ills, none can be alleviated without bringing grim realities into the light. “All governments lie,” Ellsberg says in a video statement released for the launch of ExposeFacts,

“and they all like to work in the dark as far as the public is concerned, in terms of their own decision-making, their planning — and to be able to allege, falsely, unanimity in addressing their problems, as if no one who had knowledge of the full facts inside could disagree with the policy the president or the leader of the state is announcing.”

Ellsberg adds:

“A country that wants to be a democracy has to be able to penetrate that secrecy, with the help of conscientious individuals who understand in this country that their duty to the Constitution and to the civil liberties and to the welfare of this country definitely surmount their obligation to their bosses, to a given administration, or in some cases to their promise of secrecy.”

Right now, our potential for democracy owes a lot to people like NSA whistleblowers William Binney and Kirk Wiebe, and EPA whistleblower Marsha Coleman-Adebayo. When they spoke at the June 4 news conference in Washington that launched ExposeFacts, their brave clarity was inspiring.

Antidotes to the poisons of cynicism and passive despair can emerge from organizing to help create a better world. The process requires applying a single standard to the real actions of institutions and individuals, no matter how big their budgets or grand their power. What cannot withstand the light of day should not be suffered in silence.

If you see something, say something.


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The New China Faces the ‘New Japanese’


By: Nathan Gardels


A furious war of words was unleashed at the Shangri-La Dialogue security conference in Singapore last weekend. The U.S. and Japan accused China of trying to change the status quo by coercion and intimidation; the Chinese accused Japan and the U.S. of inciting instability with its “20th century mentality” of war and conflict.

Following up on his comments in Singapore, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abewrites in The WorldPost that China ought to abide by the rule of law in the seas of Asia and calls for negotiations. Recalling the experience of World War II, Shanghai scholar/entrepreneur Eric X. Li mocks Abe’s pledge in Singapore that the “new Japanese” will help their neighbors resist Beijing. The great danger now, writes the Australian scholar Hugh White, is that the ground is being laid for a catastrophic clash since both sides in this conflict assume incorrectly that the other will back down. South Korea’s Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se fears a “Pandora’s box” is being opened in Asia. Marking the 25 years since the Tiananmen massacre, China scholar Perry Link worries that Xi Jinping is becoming “a Mao-like strongman.”

The Indian Congress Party’s enfant terrible, Shashi Tharoor, ignited a political firestorm in New Delhi with his WorldPost blog suggesting that his long-time adversary, the new Prime Minister Narendra Modi, was morphing into a modernizer who could move the country forward.

Reacting to the continuing horror stories of rape in rural India and elsewhere, the Pakistani activist and writer Bina Shah says that “there is an undeclared war against half the population of South Asia” who face insecurity in their daily lives. Former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown updates WorldPost readers on the schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram, now in captivity for more than 50 days.

Human rights activist Bianca Jagger documents how Brazil’s hosting of the World Cup has exposed manifold injustices in that giant emerging economy.

Filmmaker Astra Taylor writes of her concern that the Internet has been turned “from a tool of liberation into a tool of oppression” by the NSA and that digital corporate giants such as Google cooperate with it. Just returning from Beijing,Patrick Mendis explains how commercial spying and national security are intertwined with China’s state-owned enterprises just as there is a link between the U.S. security community and private American information companies.

Andrew Leigh, an Australian parliamentarian, describes how his country’s buy-back program has cut the death toll from gun violence. Finally, in an interview, Economisteditors John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge discuss their new book, “The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State.”

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India: How Narendra Modi May Have Evolved into ‘Modi 2.0’


When Narendra Modi swept to a dramatic victory in India’s general elections, becoming the first prime minister in three decades to command an absolute majority in the lower house of India’s fractious Parliament, many in India worried about what his victory would portend. To political opponents and members of India’s liberal intelligentsia, Modi was a divisive, sectarian, authoritarian figure who had presided over the massacre of some 1200 innocents, mainly Muslim, as chief minister of the state of Gujarat in 2002. The thought of such a figure leading a diverse and multi-religious polity that had long been built on the “Nehruvian consensus” developed by the Congress Party, was anathema to many.

In the event, Modi overcame this negative perception, re-branding himself as an apostle of development and pointing to his successful record in Gujarat, a state of high growth rates that under his leadership has been a magnet for investors. His brilliantly-organized, lavishly-funded election campaign saw “Hindutva”, the ideology of Hindu chauvinism with which he and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have long been identified, relegated to the back burner, while Modi promised voters he would remake India in the model of prosperous Gujarat. The electorate rewarded the BJP – which had never previously won more than 186 seats in India’s 543-member Lower House – with 282 seats, as the National Democratic Alliance led by the BJP claimed 333. The ruling Congress Party, of which I am a member, was relegated to its worst showing in history, winning a mere 44 seats.

To almost everyone’s surprise, however, Modi and the BJP have eschewed the hubris and triumphalism they might have been assumed to have earned with their sweeping victory. In the couple of weeks since his election, Modi has been conciliatory and inclusive in both his pronouncements and his actions. I was a beneficiary of this unexpected generosity on the very day of his victory, when I received a startling tweet of congratulations from him on my own victory in my constituency. “Let us work together to move India forward,” he declared in his message to me.

This tweet to a prominent adversary, with whom he had crossed swords in the past, was one of many signals to the nation that he was putting old enmities behind him. “I will be prime minister of all Indians, including those who did not vote for me,” he announced in one of his first speeches. Cynics might point out that this was only prudent, since his party won its resounding majority with just 31 percent of the national vote, benefitting from the Westminster-style “first-past-the-post” system in constituencies with multiple contesting parties. But coming as it did from a man with a reputation of brooking no dissent and riding roughshod over opposition during his twelve years at the helm in Gujarat, it was a welcome surprise.

In a series of speeches, Prime Minister Modi has gone out of his way to avoid confrontational language, to omit issues and imagery that India’s religious minorities would find offensive, and to extend a hand of friendship to his critics. After having attacked the large number of government projects and schemes named for members of the Congress Party’s Nehru-Gandhi dynasty during the election, he stopped his ministers from renaming these programmes, saying it was more important to get them to work more effectively. His early Cabinet appointments rewarded the party’s brighter and younger professionals, omitting many of the Hindu nationalist veterans and rabid ideologues who epitomised many Indians’ anxieties about the BJP.

In a striking departure from precedent, Modi also quelled concerns in India’s neighbourhood about his rise by inviting the heads of government of India’s seven South Asian neighbours, as well as that of Mauritius (the Indian Ocean republic whose population is 63 percent Indian), to his swearing-in. India’s prime ministers have never enjoyed lavish inaugurations like American presidents, traditionally assuming office after sparsely-attended and low-key oath-takings behind closed doors. Modi converted this routine into a grand, opulent 4,000-guest ceremony on the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhavan, the presidential palace, and invited his foreign guests to attend the televised coronation.

The gesture instantly disarmed many across the borders who had been alarmed by his combative rhetoric during the campaign, in which he had promised robust action on the bordersassailed Pakistani sponsorship of terrorism and warned some 30 million Bangladeshi illegal immigrants in India that they should be prepared to pack their backs on the day of his victory. His cordial welcome to, and subsequent bilateral meetings with, the leaders of these and other neighbouring countries reassured them that the Modi government would not feel obliged to live up to the belligerence of the Modi campaign.

So does this all add up to a Modi 2.0, a very different figure in government from the ogre some of us had feared and demonised for years? It is still too early to tell, but the initial signs are encouraging. Prime Minister Modi would hardly be the first opposition leader to temper his views and conduct once in office, but there seems to be something more fundamental involved here. An ambitious man, Modi appears to realize that if he wants to make a success of his government, he will have to lead the nation from the center and not from the extreme right where he had built his base in the BJP.

His overwhelming majority, won on the back of a highly personalized campaign which led many to vote for Modi rather than for the BJP, has also liberated him from the party’s and his own past positions. Just as he remade himself from a hate-figure into an avatar of modernity and progress, he is seeking to remake the BJP from a vehicle of Hindu chauvinism to a natural party of governance. This will mean a change in both language and tone, as he has demonstrated from day one.

For an opposition member of Parliament like myself, it would be churlish not to acknowledge Modi 2.0’s inclusive outreach and to welcome his more conciliatory statements and actions. The moment he says or does something divisive or sectarian in the Modi 1.0 mould, however, we will resist him robustly. India’s people, and its pluralist democracy, deserve no less. 

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Pakistan: There’s an Undeclared War Raging Against Half of South Asia


There is an undeclared war going on in South Asia. It’s a more important war than the one against terrorism being fought so desperately in Pakistan and Afghanistan. It’s a more pressing issue than whether or not Pakistan and India will enter into a nuclear race, or whether Pakistan’s nuclear bombs can be kept secure. It is the major issue in the region, which, if left unresolved, will result in greater instability throughout the region. It will carry global repercussions as it echoes across the Middle East and Africa. It’s the war against women, where because of patriarchal customs and systems, one half of the region is at war with the other half: and in this conflict, there can and will be no winners.

In one week alone, there were two horrific crimes in South Asia that shocked the entire world. In Pakistan, a 25-year-old pregnant woman, Farzana Parveen, was walking to a Lahore courthouse with her husband in order to testify that she had married him of her own free will. Members of her own family, including an uncle, brothers and two cousins, who had turned against a marriage they had initially agreed to, lay in wait for the couple, then attacked them. Mohammad Iqbal stood watching helplessly as they beat her to death with bricks. The police and bystanders allegedly did nothing.

In India, two teenaged girls of low caste were abducted in a village in Uttar Pradesh. The next morning, their gang-raped bodies were found hanging from a mango tree. Their father said that when he went to the police to report them missing, the police asked what caste they were from, then allegedly refused to help in the search. Their small, thin bodies, one in a green tunic and pants and the other in pink, are a far cry from the strong frames of soldiers sent in to battle on a warfield. But these girls, Farzana Parveen, and millions of women like them, are the foot soldiers in a war where their own bodies are the battleground.

This war isn’t always fought so openly. It takes place in private homes, where millions of women are subjected to the worst kinds of domestic violence. In South Asia, it is common to physically discipline one’s wife or daughters, or even young women who work as maids in the house. Men and women alike will daily hit or strike women and girls not just as punishment, but as a way of taking out the frustrations of daily life on them. Pakistan has seen cases of young maids being beaten to death by their employers, of ordinary men abusing their wives across all socio-economic classes, and of daughters beaten or killed because they wouldn’t submit to an arranged marriage or because they enacted a marriage of their own choice. Women and girls are trafficked across the region and exported to prosperous nations to work as little better than drudges, where they are always in danger of physical violence with few laws in place or enforced to protect them.

This state of affairs has come about in Pakistan because it is a society brutalized by years of dictatorship, where physical punishment, hanging and torture were the norm, and, in a post-dictatorship society, further brutalized by deadly terrorist attacks that have killed 60,000 Pakistanis in bombings and shootings. The greater South Asian region has always been buffeted by poverty, illiteracy and conservatism, in which girls and women are the most vulnerable members of the population. It houses a deep-rooted system of patriarchy, where men are superior, and women are inferior, regardless of class, caste or religion. And it has had lawmakers and religious, tribal and community leaders create an intricate web of laws and societal structures that ensure women are legally, socially and financially dependent on men.

The power structure in South Asia, then, has for centuries operated with women as a kind of slave class, bound to men from birth, married early so that they will continue to work for their husband’s families and bear the children that will perpetuate the system. It is only in the last fifty years or so that women have realized they have other options, and the right to seek them out. Women all across the region, from Afghanistan to Bangladesh and from Bhutan to Sri Lanka are trying their best to undo this state of affairs in the ways that are offered to them: going to school, becoming educated, getting jobs and achieving financial independence. They have achieved modest success in these aims in some countries, but are falling back badly in others.

There is a popular wave of thinking that helping women to become entrepreneurs – and many programs have been put in place, funded by foreign organizations and run by both local and foreign NGOs – will help them gain economic status in society. And this is true: when a woman has economic status, or a girl is able to contribute to a household, her value immediately increases in the eyes of the family and community and society around her. This increase in a woman’s economic worth, the bringing of a woman out of the cloisters of home and into public life, is a stabilizing force that can bring balance and prosperity to the region.

But how to undo the extreme violence that accompanies and seems to increase with the growing independence of South Asia’s women? It’s almost as if the patriarchy sees the advances of women, senses a threat, and has mobilized force and violence against them in ways and numbers never seen before. In Pakistan, the forces of patriarchy have combined with the forces of extremism to enact a particular kind of war on women that sees, for example, girls’ schools bombed and threatened with closure in the Northern Areas and Balochistan.

A more vibrant media in Pakistan is reporting these violent attacks on women with more courage and openness than ever before — vitally important in bringing to light the current conditions in which women struggle for their rights. But the backlash against women’s empowerment threatens not just to keep women in their traditional place, but to undo years of progressive advances, laws and social evolution that has allowed South Asia’s women to make gains. And this is a development that will have an adverse effect on the efforts to stabilize South Asia and bring it into modernity.

So what can be done to unpick this huge heritage of patriarchy for South Asia’s women? First, the culture of impunity needs to be dismantled. This is the culture that both men and women are raised in, where they are taught from birth that a boy baby is more wanted than a girl baby. As adults, men and women believe that a woman is always the property of a man — be it father, uncle, brother or son — and as such, the man is free to dispose of her as he wishes. If he beats her, it’s his business; if he kills her because she violated his “honor,” he is seen by others to have done the “right thing.”

Strict laws that make it impossible for anyone to get away with domestic violence, rape, honor killings or any other form of violence against women must be enacted, enforced and endorsed by political and religious leaders. And any and all cultural, religious or tribal loopholes used to help a criminal escape justice have to be eliminated from the legal system. For it is only when legal accountability enters the picture that the culture impunity is defeated.

All the programs that are being enacted at the moment for the empowerment of women will be rendered useless unless organizations put some effort and money into men’s education programs as well. By empowering, educating and liberating women, but leaving men out of the picture, an imbalance will be created in society, with women progressing and men being left behind. Men will continue to strike out with force against women as this gap in mentality increases.

Programs must be created that educate men about their rights and responsibilities towards women and girls, as protectors and partners rather than lords and masters. We must bring about a change in values and attitudes: men in South Asia must unlearn their programming about the inferiority of women and be retaught that empowered women are no threat to them, but can instead be assets and valued members of society.

Such programs can rely on many sources for inspiration: religious, humanist, civil, political, psychological and so on. But whichever way we choose to do it, the point is clear: for truly empowered women to exist peacefully in South Asia, there must be truly empowered men, armed with the idea of equality and dignity, not the false power that patriarchy promises but delivers only when one half of the population suffers. There must be the overarching lesson that both genders can and must live in harmony and cooperation, rather than conflict and submission. In so doing, an entire society can step out of its diminished, victimized position into a whole new position of strength and peace, with a secure, happy future finally visible for all.

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Iraq: American Human Right ”VIDEO”

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ضاحي خلفان – صدق أو لا تصدق : شاهد ماذا قال على الهواء مباشرة : مرفق فيديو ”VIDEO”

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PCHR Calls for Investigating the Circumstances; Zio-Nazi Forces Kill Palestinian Civilian in Nablus



The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) calls for conducting a neutral and impartial investigation into the death of Alaa’ Mohammed ‘Awadh, 30, from Hawara village south of Nablus, as he was shot dead by Israeli forces at Za’tara checkpoint, south of Nablus, on Monday night, 02 June 2014.  Israeli forces claimed that the victim fired at them and injured a soldier lightly, but no eyewitnesses were in the area at that time to deny or confirm the Israeli claim.  A PCHR field worker was able to obtain a testimony from the taxi driver who transported ‘Awadh.  The driver confirmed that ‘Awadh was not carrying anything when he transported him to the checkpoint.  PCHR emphasizes that it has documented dozens of crimes of willful killings committed by Israeli forces, which constantly claimed that Palestinian fired at them, but PCHR’s investigations refuted such claims.

According to investigations conducted by PCHR, and the testimony of the taxi driver who transported ‘Awad,  at approximately 23:35, ‘Alaa’ Mohammed ‘Awadh (30) from Hawara village south of Nablus, asked a taxi driver to drive him to Za’tara Checkpoint, south of Nablus, which is around 4 kilometers away from the village.  ‘Awad, who owns a shop for cell phones, told the driver that he wanted to go to the checkpoint in order to receive a number of cell phones from there.  The driver took the aforementioned civilian to a place, which is 50 meters away from the southern side of the checkpoint, and ‘Awash got out of the car and stood in a cabin designated for settlers only.  The driver drove his car around 1 kilometer to the south till he reached a place where he is allowed to turn around and go back to Hawara village.

When he was on his way back, he saw ‘Awadh still standing in his place.  When he came back, he saw the Israeli soldiers stationed at the checkpoint stopping a black civilian car and searching it.  At approximately 02:45 on Tuesday, 03 June 2014, the taxi driver received a call on his cell phone from an Israeli intelligence officer who told him that he would come to arrest him.  Around half an hour later, Israeli soldier raided his house and arrested him.  They took him to ‘Awadh’s shop and questioned him on the spot about transporting ‘Awadh to the checkpoint.  The driver said that the ‘Awadh had nothing with him when he was in the car and that he drove him to the same place last night and transported him back to his house.  He did not know that he was killed until his death was declared via megaphones of mosques in the village at approximately 05:30 today.

PCHR strongly condemns this new crime, which further proves the use of excessive force by Israeli forces against Palestinian civilians in disregard for the civilians’ lives. Therefore, PCHR calls upon the international community to take immediate and effective actions and reiterates its call for the High Contracting Parties to the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention to fulfill their obligations under Article 1; i.e., to respect and to ensure respect for the Convention in all circumstances, and their obligation under Article 146 to prosecute persons alleged to commit grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention.  These grave breaches constitute war crimes under Article 147 of the same Convention and Protocol (I) Additional to the Geneva Conventions.


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كلمة السيد حسن نصرالله في احتفالٍ تأبيني للعلاّمة الرّاحل الشيخ مصطفى قصير ”VIDEO”

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