Categorized | Lebanon, Libya

The issue of Musa al-Sadr and the evacuation of the truth?

Year after year, salutes «Amal» remembrance «absence» Musa al-Sadr (Marwan Tahtah)
As’ad Abu Khalil

Year after year, salutes «Amal» remembrance «absence» Musa al-Sadr. Year after year, the person repeats the movement’s leadership, Nabih Berri, the Libyan authorities claim (Alqmafah, present and future) need to announce the fate of Moussa al-Sadr. But you exaggerate the movement in its advertising and its appeal and claim?Is this a product of that culture kinetic raised slogans in southern Lebanon under the image says _ Nabih Berri _ «O and Wilna after thee»? Do you suffer from motion absent a leadership crisis and current or promising?

Do you need to move the issue of Musa al-Sadr in order to justify its existence? The story attracted the disappearance of Musa Sadr, a number of researchers and university theses devoted to her, and there are a number of books about him. Likud Lebanese, Fouad Ajami, wrote a book about him made ​​him an outlet for Ohakadeh against the Palestinian people. Peter Thero and Majed Halawi wrote two books about him in English, and everyone interested in the circumstances of his disappearance. Is a story to tell and that young man retell a lot of superstitions and myths and propaganda allegations.

though Musa al-Sadr did not exist, because there was a need to find it. Is stepped up in the first era of the sixties in the item where sectarian Shiite absent altogether.Taúviac wrestled in Lebanon were not allowed to Shiite sectarian element in it. But the issue is not sectarian Vshab: The Shiite religious in Lebanon suffers from a huge vacuum after the death of Imam Abdul Hussein Sharaf al-Din. It was not the role of religion in honor of a purely religious role, he was a political leader and social reformer and is active in philanthropy. Jaafari enough school that Knyt his name and that immortalized. Lebanese state and the leaders of the Shiite feudalism lunches neglect the people of the south, but the school Jaafari contributed mainly _ are university scholarships in the countries of the socialist camp in the post _ in the renaissance of southern Lebanon and its people. No thanks to the Lebanese state in any of it at all.Abdul Hussein Sharaf al-Din a great aura when Shiite south, and even when the non-Shiites. Was a friend of my grandfather and was «Salon» my grandfather’s house in the picture carries pictures of my grandfather and my uncle happiest (who died at an early age) and the picture of the world in honor of religion. They were in the pictures describe kinship recipe for «Mufti» (his son, Mohammed Jawad) was allegedly «son of Mufti» or «Girls Mufti».

And attract charitable work Sharaf al-Din, as well as city leaders affluent. But traditional leaders (extinct) were absent from the acts of charity and welfare. Al-Assaad did not leave or Al-Zein Usseiran or any teacher or other school compares Jaafari, for example. On the contrary, it was the happiest full fear of science and educated, and was equal between the cultured and educated and between the Communist or the Baathist (and Baathist communism was scattered all over the South in the fifties and the sixties and seventies _ even to late). In this context, it appeared Musa al-Sadr. But al-Sadr was more a political phenomenon than a religious phenomenon Almaúah. Current followers of al-Sadr speaks about «thought of Imam Sadr», but did not leave a mark intellectually or religiously one, while leaving Sharaf al-Din references and books represented in the heritage of religious reference. But al-Sadr was brilliant in politics and regulation in reading the political conflicts of the Lebanese, and his aura charisma when people (though not seen her when I met him in my childhood).

were driving traditional political when the Shiites in Lebanon conflicting between Al-Assaad, and Al Hamada, and increased the intensity of the conflict that Sabri Hamadeh was married (his second marriage) Full sister-Assaad. Intermarriage did not increase the conflict between the two families, but separately, as it did intermarriage between Kamal Jumblatt, Arslan Lome. The two men clashing on the presidency of the Council in each period of the sixties that Assaad, including the arrival of a member of lumpiness («middle»), Suleiman Franjieh to the presidency. Sadr rose in that period.Hamada led him Assaad in the south, also led him Assaad Hamada in the Bekaa Valley.Sharing feudalism was characteristic of the conflict between the two families. And one allied with the meteor (despised Fouad Chehab full-Assaad) and other allied itself with the currents of the right-wing between Maronite leaders.
knew Musa al-Sadr that several factors meet in order to allow the emergence of the role of his new: 1) froze the conflict between Azaaamtin conditions of the south and the Bekaa and leave them vulnerable to the initiatives of symbolism by the state (most of which has not been implemented, such as «Project Litani» or «land reclamation» _ are advised to review the article Jafar Sharaf al-Din in uncovering the role of full-Assaad in freezing Litani project in the magazine «Sail» 0.30 September, 1991 _ or «Council of the South», which is around Asadi Amoli and corruption in the post to «pockets Council»). 2) lacked the south and the Bekaa to the strong religious leadership. It appeared in 1971 when he visited the Imam Al-Khoei Lebanon gave the Shiites of Lebanon from different regions in the demonstration drew the attention of the state because the idle complacency and Shiites were formal hypothesis when the people of politicians, has been fostered by the leaders of feudalism in Lebanon. And the death of Sharaf al-Din (apart from the speech is a binder that was said about it was recommended that his successor chest after a meeting and brief them on a short visit of the latter to Lebanon in the mid-fifties) increased the need for the city of Tyre _ at least _ to reference religious and social. 3) aggravated the neglect and impoverishment in southern Lebanon and the Bekaa. 4) the growing danger in the Israeli (and on) for Lebanon. 5) the expression of the popular move away from the leaders of feudalism in the south and the Bekaa through the emergence of the Palestinian resistance movements and the Lebanese National Movement (or parties that have flocked in the post in the context of that movement). 6) increased sectarian tension in the structure of the ruling elites sectarian (conflict between the ruling class of the features of the possibility of revolutionary change when Lenin).

Known as Sadr how to benefit from the conflict between Hamada and Assaad, and decided early on that is biased to the leadership of Hamada because the latter was easier to handle and conversational, and was open more than puritanical and cavalier, full-Assaad, which contributed to its shortcomings and disadvantages in ending the political feudalism when Shiites before the outbreak of the civil war.The project was the first season at the chest of the Shia sectarian representation and organization for the rest of the Islamic sects. Registered to him, usually, established in 1969 for the Higher Islamic Shiite Council, which apprehension Assaad him so much, and he was right, as it turned into a body contributed to the formation of a political alternative for traditional leadership Alosaadah. But was Sadr’s decision to form a separate board for the year right decision? Do you contributed to the division between the Muslims in Lebanon? It is known that the organizational leadership of religious Muslims were one before the appearance of the chest, and was the Grand Mufti of the Lebanese mufti of each Muslim men and women in Lebanon.

chest was the most brilliant in the politics of his skill in the production of religious thought (the so-called «works the chest is a set speeches and articles). Knew how to address the people and how to build support for himself in the city of Tyre and its suburbs before stretching his leadership to other areas in the south and the Bekaa. He also knew that early money is «milk policy» he says the people of Boston in America.Gathered around him a bunch of new business Shiites who were not entangled in the orbits of feudal leaders that did not belong to them: is benefiting from their money in campaigns and projects they Tmhawwa to play a political role in the event of success in the chest to break up the grassroots Zaamat Shiite feudalism. Known to all the families of the wealthy in the south, with the exception of those families which were calculated on the full-Assaad, who prevented any of his supporters to deal with al-Sadr, especially after playing the chest role politically prominent role in elections in 1972, and then in the by-elections in Nabatieh in 1974, which was harbinger of the end of the leadership Alosaadah.

resided chest early close relations with the Syrian regime, and this is what all the novels omissions renewable biography of Musa al-Sadr, and this is what omissions intentionally artificial nostalgia for him March 14. Sadr was one of the first of the new allies of the Syrian regime after the coup, Hafez al-Assad, did not limit the one-time support for the policies, decisions and actions of the system. Sadr was closer to the Syrian regime of all its allies, with the exception of «Organization of the Baath Party» in Lebanon. It is known that al-Sadr did a great service to the political system when he decided (politically, not from a religious reference) consider Alawites twelve decimal places, and this violates the history of isms. Were not the task of the chest in building a political movement easy, he was fighting on two fronts: the front of feudalism and the political parties to compete with the Front National Movement Lebanese and Palestinian resistance organizations. Since 1958, when he took control of the Arab Nationalist Movement on the city of Tyre general authority, did not stop the rise of nationalist movements and leftist in the city, despite the fact that fraud authority was guaranteed the survival of leaders of feudalism in the parliamentary elections (it was not the role of the conservative secret in managing fraud on the orders of the authority. Has L Assaad governor of the south in 1974 because it does not have a duty to do good). The training was in the ranks of the Palestinian organizations weather crossing for adolescents in southern Lebanon and the youth revolution was prevalent.

can not talk about the rise of al-Sadr, without mentioning the role of the newspaper «day» and Ghassan Tueni specifically. Tueni decided that the chest is acceptable Muslim, unlike the Muslims is accepted with him. Tueni and other members of the ruling class of the Christian community wanted since the establishment of the Republic of molding and forming Muslim acceptable. Muslim unacceptable is acceptable, such as black in the United States and which is fit for the role of the actor is provocative to race. Shafik Wazzan was Representative acceptable when much of the Phalange Party because he was content with, implemented and obey not ask. When I met him in the mid-eighties when the preparative for my thesis, I ask him about the years of his experience in government with Amin Gemayel and the various resolutions and the answer me: they make decisions without taking my advice or consent. I said to him: Why accept, and why not take? Should not. Newspaper «day» found in Musa Sadr image differs from the image of the negative stereotypes about Muslims, and especially for the Muslim cleric. I remember in the mid-eighties, I asked Mr. Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah for his opinion in Musa al-Sadr replied: I did not feel comfortable for the phenomenon because of the Maronite political promoted him as «Star» (He said the last word with the letter).

knew the chest that the language of the armed struggle is prevailing, Fastaan ​​Syrian regime The movement «open» to organize its own militia. But he did not elaborate on the nature of the task of arms, with the exception of «objects». Sadr was critical of the failure of the state to protect Lebanon generally repeated Israeli aggression, but did not specify the nature of the «Amal movement», Is it political or military or social? Sadr failed attempts to establish relationships with Dr. Kamel Assaad, because the latter does not assume any kind of competition. Re-Sadr him fight back in an election Nabatieh subsidiary in 1974 when he lost the candidate Asadi. That was the resounding election comma in the history of the South and the history of Lebanon’s Shiites. Assaad was not able to continue in a leadership role without the imposition of the state of Lebanon (and Syria after 1976). But the outbreak of the civil war undermined the leadership of the happiest and chest alike.
chest was close to Kamal Jumblatt, and allowed for «Amal Movement» (before the start of the militia) representation in the regular meetings of political parties and organizations «National Movement». There is no Erth to represent «hope» and there was charged with leaking the records of those meetings to the hostile parties in Lebanon. But «Amal» remained close to the atmosphere of the Palestinian resistance and «National Movement» until after the outbreak of the civil war. Civil war broke out was not for «hope» noteworthy role. People wondered about the fate of the militia, which was supposed to protect the south. All parties involved in the national movement of the war, but «hope» remained on the sidelines. There was a faction fight in Shiah calculated on «hope» (like «boys Ali») but its embarrassed movement that quickly disavowed them.

diminished role of Musa al-Sadr in the war years. No longer has a role after little overwhelmed parties armed Lebanese and Palestinian areas in the south and the Bekaa. The tens of thousands who attended Mehrjanath in 1974 in Baalbek and in the pictures, perhaps he realized that this was not an exclusive audience, but the audience was in the WIN parties «National Movement» and «Palestinian resistance». Influenced the war on the steady climb of the chest, and went on hunger strike in 1975 to protest the mosque global overwhelming violence. The initiative was alien to Arab culture and behavior Revolutionary prevailing at the time. Irhejh not received or popular attention.Visited supportive of some politicians and the media, but his movement has not received a response popularly.

, but the biggest challenge faced Sadr was in dealing with the Syrian military intervention in 1976 was al-Sadr had received before widespread criticism among the public national movement because «decision» delivery Nabaa to battalions, and conversations took place about the secret deals did not know anything about. Left chest on the close alliance with the Syrian regime, the width of his movement for a violent campaign in June 1976 when it was all militias inherent in the Syrian regime (such as the «Union of Forces for working people» and «Organization Baath» and «Thunderbolt» _ appeared Hanna Bathish, in charge of «Thunderbolt »on crutches to announce to fill it was treated well by the movement« open »_ and that he was arrested by the movement« hope ») to military defeat. Was closed all offices «hope» after less than a day of fighting, and this is evidence of the volume of traffic at the time. Left chest Lebanon to Syria is no longer to him only after the spread Arab Deterrent Force and joined the movement to «National Front», and was an alternative Syrian regime of «National Movement».

, but Sadr’s return coincided with other factors in the balance: war ended with the beginning of the fall of the project «National Movement ». Did not maintain «movement» Beragaha revolutionary, especially when he inherited the leadership of Walid Jumblatt. «Excesses» and corruption in the ranks of the Palestinian resistance, in addition to effective publicity campaigns of the Israeli team in East Beirut (especially of «Voice of Lebanon», which was subject to direct Israeli player) undermined the image of the Progressive team. It was al-Sadr network resides Arab relations contributed to strengthening the position of the Lebanese. But al-Sadr «disappeared» in his visit to Libya August 1978 It is noted that no one tells the reason for the visit al-Sadr to Libya, and that no one expands to talk about the relationship chest Libyan regime?

carried the movement «hope» the issue of the absence of the chest for years and contributed to strengthening the role and influence of the movement « Hope »in the south and the Bekaa. Maybe said «absence» (word used by the «Higher Islamic Shiite Council» established by the chest) Bgabh audience Shia Imam («Mahdi»), but the word did do. Hair audience Shiites in the south that the conspiracy hatched against their community in an era where the people of the south complain of mismanagement of the PLO to the areas under their influence in Lebanon. The victory «Iranian revolution» in Iran also contributed to the rise of the movement «hope». Movement is now the team’s rival sectarian Lebanese _ Palestinian WIN project in the confrontation with the forces of isolationism and patron of Israel.

but «truth» (each sect «reality» absent) was supposed to unfold after the fall of the Gaddafi regime. Introduced the new system (on the bad as) all the facilities to the Lebanese government in order to provide the answers. The Libyan government has provided a novel court for the killing by the system after hours of arrival. There in «Amal movement» of refusing to settle the issue and announce the death of al-Sadr.But for how long remains the case pending? It takes advantage of the non-declaration of the truth to the public? What is the truth that is still movement «hope» demanded by the system? Do not we know that the Libyan regime to kill him after his arrival in Libya?Why suggest leadership «movement» that there is a conspiracy going on to the absence of the Imam and the like still exists in a secret prison in the Libyan desert?

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