Archive | February 26th, 2015

I$raHell new Asian allies

China loves Israel

By Jonathan Cook

It was another difficult week for I$raHell.

In Britain, 700 artists, including many household names, pledged a cultural boycott of I$raHell, and a leader of the Board of Deputies, the representative body of UK Jews, quit, saying he could no longer abide by its ban on criticising I$raHell.

Across the Atlantic, the student body of one of the most prestigious US universities, Stanford, voted to withdraw investments from companies implicated in I$raHell occupation, giving a significant boost to the growing international boycott (BDS – Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions) movement.

Meanwhile, a CNN poll found that two-thirds of Americans, and three-quarters of those under 50, believed the US foreign policy should be neutral between I$raHell and Palestine.

This drip-drip of bad news, as American and European popular opinion shifts against I$raHell, is gradually changing the West’s political culture and forcing I$raHell to rethink its historic alliances.

The deterioration in relations between I$raHell and the White House is now impossible to dismiss, as I$raHell Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and President Barack Obama lock horns, this time over negotiations with Iran.

This drip-drip of bad news, as American and European popular opinion shifts against I$raHell, is gradually changing the West’s political culture and forcing I$raHell to rethink its historic alliances.

The US was reported last week to be refusing to share with I$raHell sensitive information on the talks, fearful it will be misused. A senior I$raHell official described it as like being evicted from the “deluxe guest suite” in Washington. “Astonishing doesn’t begin to describe it,” he said.

The fall-out is spreading to the US Congress, where for the first time I$raHell is becoming a partisan issue. A growing number of Democrats have declared they will boycott Naziyahu’s address to the Congress next month, when he is expected to try to undermine the Iran talks.

Things are more precarious still in Europe. Several leading parliaments have called on their governments to recognise Palestinian statehood, and France rocked Israel by backing just such a resolution recently in the UN Security Council.

Europe has also begun punishing I$raHell for its intransigence towards the Palestinians. It is labelling settlement products and is expected to start demanding compensation for its projects in the occupied territories the IsraHell army destroys.

This month 63 members of the European Parliament went further, urging the European Union to suspend its “association agreement”, which allows Israel unrestricted trade and access to special funding.

None of this has gone unnoticed in I$raHell. A classified report by the Foreign Ministry leaked last month paints a dark future. It concludes that Western support for the Palestinians will increase, the threat of European sanctions will grow, and the US might even refuse to “protect I$raHell with its veto” at the UN.

I$raHell is particularly concerned about the economic impact, given that Europe is its largest trading partner. Serious sanctions could ravage the economy.

One might assume that, faced with these drastic calculations, I$raHell would reconsider its obstructive approach to peace negotiations and Palestinian statehood. Not a bit of it.

Naziyahu’s officials blame the crisis with Washington on Obama, implying that they will wait out his presidency for better times to return.

In response to recent developments, Naziyahu announced… that he was courting trade with China, India and Japan – comprising nearly 40 per cent of the planet’s population.

As for Europe, Netanyahu blames the shift there on what he calls “Islamisation”, suggesting that Europe’s growing Muslim population is holding the region’s politicians to ransom. On this view, the price paid for the recent terror attacks in Paris and Copenhagen is Europe’s support for Israel.

Instead, Naziyahu has begun looking elsewhere for economic – and ultimately political – patrons.

In doing so, he is returning to an early Israeli tradition. The state’s founders were inspired by the collectivist ideals of the Soviet Union, not US individualism. And in return for attacking Egypt in 1956, I$raHell was secretly helped by Britain and France to build nuclear weapons over stiff US opposition.

In response to recent developments, Naziyahu announced last month that he was courting trade with China, India and Japan – comprising nearly 40 per cent of the planet’s population.

Last year, for the first time, I$raHell did more trade with these Asian giants than with the US. Much of it focused on the burgeoning arms market, with I$raHell supplying nearly USD 4 billion worth of weapons in 2013. A region once implacably hostile to I$raHell is throwing open its doors.

India, plagued by border tensions with Pakistan and China, is now I$raHell largest arms purchaser – and such trade is expected to expand further following the election last year of Narendra Modi, known for his anti-Muslim views.

… I$raHell hopes to convert Chinese and Indian dependency on I$raHell armaments – based on technology it tests and refines on a captive Palestinian population – into diplomatic cover…

He has lifted the veil off India’s growing defence cooperation with I$raHell, one reason why Moshe Yaalon last week became the first I$raHell defence minister to make an official visit.

Ties between I$raHell and China are deepening rapidly too. Beijing has become I$raHell third largest trading partner, while I$raHell is China’s second biggest supplier of military technology after Russia.

Last month the two signed a three-year cooperation plan, with China keen to exploit – in addition to I$raHell military hardware – its innovations on solar energy, irrigation and desalination.

Emmanuel Navon, an international relations expert at Tel Aviv University, claims that, despite its poor public image, I$raHell now enjoys a “global clout” unprecedented in its history.

I$raHell immediate goal is to future-proof itself economically against mounting popular pressure in Europe and the US to act in favour of the Palestinian cause.

But longer term I$raHell hopes to convert Chinese and Indian dependency on I$raHell armaments – based on technology it tests and refines on a captive Palestinian population – into diplomatic cover. One day I$raHell may be relying on a Chinese veto at the UN, not a US one.

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Human Bombing – A Religious Act


Image result for charlie hebdo cartoons

by Mohammed Ilyas

T he issue of human bombing, which is popularly known as suicide bombing has become important in the Western world since the 9/11 and 7/7 attacks. Since then the issue of human bombing has become important to academia, the media, and security experts. his interest has resulted in much literature attempting to explain why human bombings take place and what motivates the bombers; for instance, the works of Gambetta (2006); Pape (2006); Merari (2010); Hafez (2006, 2007); Wright (2007); Bloom (2005, 2010); Friedman (2005); and Khosrokhavar (2005).

In this short paper I do not discuss why[1] and how human bombing occurs, and instead argue three points. Firstly, that human bomber cannot be acting with sacred intention (in the path of God) because this intention is unknown to them and the groups that advocate such attacks; secondly, that the standard for sacred intention is impossible to uphold by the bombers; inally that, the bombers could be sufering from secondary trauma, therefore falling outside the criteria that legitimates human bombing because of the individuals illness. I contend that these points serve to dissolve the religious criteria and justiication for human bombing. Human bombing:

In the path of God

In their martyrdom videos human bombers state that they are acting in the path of God. According to Abu Qatada al-ilistini [2] (from here on will use Abu Qatada) what makes the intention sacred are the beneits the act will bring to the community (Hafez 2007: 129-131). Sacred intention is very important, such that any behavior or motivation other than the sacred can serve to dissolve religious legitimization. Abu Qatada contends that intentionality is anchored in the notion of Muslim interests, and gives many examples of hadiths that he relates to the justiication for human bombing (Abu Qatada al-Falastini, 1995). Abu Qatada notes:

Plunging into enemy ranks cannot be done for its own sake. It must contain a beneit for Islam and Muslims. In other words, martyrdom is never simply for its sake; its goal must be to raise God’s word on earth and advance the cause of Muslims (Hafez 2007: 131).

However, even if the act, as Abu Qatada contends becomes sacred because of the beneits it brings to Muslims, it does not mean that the motivations of the bomber were sacred. In the many hadiths that Abu Qatada quotes and the commentary he gives on them, there is no mention of how one is to verify if the intentions of the bomber are sacred. From the criteria detailed by Abu Qatada it seems that one has to accept the word of the bomber and the group that the individual has volunteered for the mission, he or she had no psychological problems and was entirely motivated to act in the path of God. At face value it may seem feasible to accept what the bomber and the group contend because both enclose the motivations in Islamic terminology. However, once the motivations and the terminology are interrogated a diferent picture emerges, one that cannot be upheld by the prerequisite criteria that legitimizes a human bombing as sacred.

Academics such as Merari (2006), Pape (2006) and Hafez (2007) argue that human bombers are motivated by nationalistic ideas and redemption for themselves, their family, friends, community or religion. his suggests that human bombers are motivated by reasons other than Islamic ones, even though they may strike fear into the enemy and bring beneits to Muslims. However, there are also other motivations, which are more important to the argument of this paper, and these concern the personal reasons for becoming a human bomber in both conlict and non-conlict zones.

Bloom, in her 2002 book titled Bombshell, notes that personal problems stemming from being involved in activities that have brought shame on to their families leave some Chechen females feeling that they have no choice but to become human bombers. he act, as Bloom (2011: 30-31) argues, allows the women to reinvent themselves and become a source of pride for their families, removing the stigma of shame. Khosrokhavar (2005) makes a similar point with reference to the Palestinian human bombers, stating that death ‘allows martyrs to recover their spiritual virginity, to wash away their sins, thanks to an enchanted martyrdom that opens the gates of paradise… A beautifying death releases them from their everyday humiliation‘(Khosrokhavar 2005: 133). It seems, then that human bombers are escaping from their socio-political conditions and in doing so are taking control over their bodies, their fate, and their future representation because these are denied to them in their everyday life. If we accept that the motivations of the bombers are personal, this means that there acts were not carried out in the interests of the Muslim community, even though the outcome may prove to bring beneit to some Muslims. his undermines the criteria as set out by Abu Qatada and therefore the intentions are not sacred.

Devji makes a similar observation to Khosrokhavar (2005):

Martyrdom constitutes the moment of absolute humanity, responsibility and freedom as a selfcontained act shorn of of all teleology. Martyrdom, then, might well constitute the purest and therefore the most ethical of acts, because in destroying himself its solider becomes fully human by assuming complete responsibility for his fate beyond the reach of any need, interest or idea (Devji 2005: 120).

Devji alludes to the idea that martyrdom frees the bomber from the shackles of Islamic proofs and defers responsibility and justiication from the bomber; meaning that the act becomes self-referential and there is no need for a sacred text to act as a motivation. Devji (2005: 122) makes another interesting point concerning the monotheistic igures of Ibrahim and Ishmael, with both acting upon uncertainty, and obeying out of trust, rather than evidence of God, which makes God’s existence possible. Devji here is pointing out the importance of acting out of belief rather than evidence. he same explanation can be used to understand human bombers. he death of the bomber is an expression of absolute uncertainty because it is based on trust rather than absolute evidence of God’s path, the beneicial outcomes of the act or the possibility of aterlife. he bomber can only know and be certain of their sociopolitical circumstances and the need to act.

Aside from the issues concerning uncertainty there is also a problem with the groups claiming that they know the intention of the human bomber, and it being entirely sacred. For example Merari (2010: 128) notes in the case of Palestinian and Israeli conlict that religion is a relatively unimportant factor in the motivation of human bombers. However, for Al Zawahiri human bombings appear to be legitimate and Islamically justiied:

A generation of mujahedeen that has decided to sacriice itself and its property in the cause of God. hat is because the way of death and martyrdom is a weapon that tyrants and their helpers, who worship their salaries instead of God, do not have (Wright 2007: 219).

In the above quote Al Zawahiri seems to be claiming two things. Firstly, that the intention of the bombers to sacriice themselves is in the path of God. Secondly, that he has absolute knowledge of the intentions of the bombers and the path of God. In stating this, he and groups that advocate and use human bombings as a weapon are arguing that they know the mind of God, thus they elevate their knowledge to the level of God. By logical extension, this means that they are God. In claiming such knowledge they have committed a blasphemous act, which places them outside the fold of Islam.

The groups attempt to resolve these issues, place themselves back into the fold of Islam, and convert intention into sacred intention in an interesting way. I contend that the groups have reconstructed ‘God’ into one that will justify human bombings. In order to do this, the groups convert the various acts that inform phrases, such as ‘acting in the path of God’,and the beneits of such acts to Muslims, into symbolical representations of God through projective identiication and cast this into the future. Consequently, the symbolic God then provides the sacred intention, justiications and ways to pursue the ‘path of God’.

The key features of human bombing seem to be everything but sacred. he motivations appear to be personal and arguments for their sacredness are full of uncertainty. As Asad (2007) argues, the best explanation for the motivations of human bombers is the assertion that the bombers may not even be certain of his or her motivations. he other entail issues concerning the groups that they claim to know the intentions of the bomber and the path of God are central in determining whether the act of human bombing can be authenticated as Islamically permissible. As I have detailed above these intentions are un-knowable by the groups, yet they claim to know both, taking them outside Islam. he groups overcome both problems by using a rhetorical device that reconstructs ‘God’ to justify the bombing and provide the sacred intention.

The standard for acting in God’s path is too high to reach

As we have seen in the previous section it is diicult to ascertain if the bombers intentions are scared. In this section I contend that even if we accept that the bomber has sacred intention it is impossible to uphold. I base my argument on an incident that took place during the battle of the ‘Ditch’ involving the fourth Caliph, which clearly demonstrates that intention derived from anger and revenge nullify sacredness. I use extracts from the 2006 Transatlantic Airline plotters martyrdom videos to support this argument.

The incident outlined above was a ight, between Ali the fourth Caliph and Amr bin Abdu Wud, the champion from the Quraish tribe. At one point Amr bin Abdu Wud found himself in precarious position with Ali sitting on his chest, from which position Ali asked him to embrace Islam, however Amr bin Abdu Wud refused and spat on Ali. In response to this, Ali ‘rose calmly from Amr’s chest, wiped his face, and stood a few paces away, he gazed solemnly at his adversary, and responded by saying, ‘’O’ Amr, I only kill in the way of Allah and not for any private motive. Since you spat in my face, my killing you now may be from a desire for personal vengeance. So I spare your life. Rise and return to your people’’ (Grande Strategy 2012).

If we consider the motivations of the foiled 2006 Transatlantic Airline plotters we see that they were motivated by their anger and the necessity to gain revenge, and redemption and gain the rewards of the aterlife. For example perpetrator, Umar Islam stated in his martyrdom video that, ‘this is revenge for the actions of the USA in the Muslim lands and their accomplices such as the British and the Jews. As you kill, you will be killed. And if you want to kill our women and children then the same thing will happen to you… We are doing this in order to gain the pleasure of our Lord and Allah loves us to die and kill in his path’ (BBC 4 April 2008). Tanvir Hussain, another member of the plot, stated in his video, ‘I only wish I could do this again, you know come back and do this again, and just do it again and again until people come to their senses and realise, you know, don’t mess with the Muslims’ (BBC 4 April 2008). In the cases of Umar Islam and Tanvir Hussain, anger, revenge and redemption for Muslims play a big role in their motivations. Comparing the incident involving the fourth Caliph to the 2006 Transatlantic Airline plotters, we see that the Caliph decided not to kill Amr bin Abdu Wud because the act would have been carried out during a moment of anger; by contrast, the intentions of the plotters seem to be determined by anger and the need to seek revenge. For the Caliph acting out of anger is incompatible with acting in the path of God, thus emotions such as anger cannot play a role in sacred intention. If emotions such as anger and revenge become part of the bombers intention, I contend this nulliies the sacredness of them.

Vicarious trauma and human bombers

In the previous sections I have argued that the intention of human bombers cannot be considered as sacred, and acting with sacred intention is such that sacredness is impossible to uphold. In this inal section I make a tentative claim that both successful and foiled human bombers that lived in the UK could have been sufering from secondary trauma, as a consequence of visiting conlict zones and from watching videos detailing Muslims enduring violence. Secondary trauma, as Speckhard (2012) notes, is traumatization occurring vicariously through empathetic engagement with a victim of trauma by visiting conlict-zones or watching videos detailing violence and sufering. Aid workers and therapists, for example experience secondary trauma because they start to identify with the victims of traumatic events (Pulido 2012).

By forwarding secondary trauma as an explanation I am discussing two things. Firstly, if we accept that human bombers were sufering from secondary trauma, and it is a clinical condition, they are fulilling the criteria of sacred intention as set out by Abu Qatada. Secondly, that the emotional conditions generated by trauma may act as mechanisms for one to acquire and act upon extreme ideas as an antidote to the trauma. his leads to two further questions, which are possibly more important but diicult to answer, at least in this paper. he irst is more general to Muslims: are there a speciic constellation of experiences that we can argue produce ‘Muslim trauma’ and how does this manifest itself in the lives of Muslims that experience the trauma? he second is speciic to terrorism and especially human bombing in non-conlict zones: to what severity does one have to experience secondary trauma in order to propel them to become a human bomber.

From Abu Qatada’s criteria for what constitutes a legitimate martyrdom operation it is clear that someone sufering from any form psychological illness cannot take part or be considered a martyr (Abu Qatada, 1995). From the work of Speckhard (2012) and the various media reports documenting the journeys that successful and foiled human bombers took makes it appear that the bombers had experienced secondary trauma. However, in the case of the UK human bombers, we see that they experienced secondary trauma through the combination of contact with victims of traumatic events and by watching videos detailing Muslims enduring traumatic events. Speckhard (2007) notes that:

We ind that in nonconlict zones the traumas that are occurring in conlict zones are used to motivate potential recruits. his tactic makes use of the concept of secondary traumatization in which witnessing ilm clips or photos of real or misconstrued injustices are used to create a traumatic state in the one witnessing it so much so that the outrage and trauma can motivate them to take action on behalf of the victim(s) of such injustice(s).

In the cases of the 7/7 bombers and the foiled 2006 Transatlantic plot we see that they not only visited conlict zones but also watched videos displaying the sufering of their brethren. his combination fostered secondary identiication with the victims such that, it not only compelled them to acquire extreme ideas but also act upon them. In the transcription (see below) of the martyrdom video of Mohammad Sidique Khan, one of the 7/7 bombers, we see that he strongly identiied with, and seems to have been deeply afected by the sufering of his Muslim brethren:

Your democratically elected governments continuously perpetuate atrocities against my people and your support of them makes you directly responsible, just as I am directly responsible for protecting and avenging my Muslim brothers and sisters. Until we feel security, you will be our target. Until you stop the bombing, gassing, imprisonment and torture of my people, we will not stop this ight. We are at war and I am a soldier. Now you too will taste the reality of this situation (he Sunday Times 2 September 2005)

Although Khan has not been a victim of any traumatic event, enduring the sufering of others vicariously seems to have played a signiicant role in him deciding to become a human bomber. Khan’s vicarious experience not only made him feel humiliated and angry but also fomented a desire in him to gain revenge. In the martyrdom video of Shehzad Tanweer, another of the 7/7 bombers, he states:

I know they’ve killed and maimed civilians in their strikes because I’ve seen it with my own eyes, my brothers have seen it, I’ve carried the victims in my arms; women, children, toddlers, babies in their mother’s wombs. Like Khan, Tanweer’s video transcript clearly indicates his identiication with his Muslim brethren and that he has been intensely afected by the sufering he has witnessed. His experiences suggest that he could have been sufering from secondary trauma similar to that which Speckhard (2012) details in discussing what leads a person to become a human bomber in conlict-zones.

The cases of the 2006 Transatlantic Plot members follow a similar trajectory. Abdulla Ahmed Ali, the ringleader of the plot, stated during his trial that in 2002 he went to a refugee camp in Pakistan to help refugees leeing from the US attacks. He recalls his experience and details the harrowing efect that it had on him:

There were lots of deaths in the camps daily. We had to go to a lot of funerals daily. It was mostly kids that were dying, children, young children. He had been interested in politics since he was a teenager. When I was about 15 or 16 I remember the Bosnian war going on and I remember images of concentration camps, of people looking like skeletons and things like that. I was aware they were Muslims’ (Guardian 8 September 2009).

Ali clearly indicates the impact of working in a refugee camp and watching videos of the Bosnian war that detailed Muslim sufering. Two signiicant issues emerge from Ali’s trial: the sufering of children and the images from the Bosnian concentration camps. he impact of the camps on Muslims in the UK has been grossly underestimated. Islamists that I have interviewed noted that the Bosnian war and the consequent sufering of Muslims was a watershed moment regarding their thinking on what it means to be a Muslim in Europe. he camps were Muslim where held during the war also reminded the interviewees of the WWII holocaust.

Although the members of the foiled 2004 Crevice plot were not human bombers, their trial reveals how secondary trauma imparted through visiting conlict-zones and by watching videos that detailed Muslim sufering fomented a desire in them to engage in violence to gain revenge. For example, during his trial, Anthony Garcia recalled watching videos that displaying the atrocities perpetrated by Indian forces in Kashmir. he impact of these videos had on him is demonstrated by Garcia stating that

It was the worst thing anyone could have seen. Little children sexually abused and women… and I still remember it quite clearly. he efect of these videos, as Garcia recalls made him cry while watching the videos and as a consequence he decided to do something to help his fellow Muslims in Kashmir (BBC 30 April 2007).

While Garcia experienced secondary trauma through watching videos, and identiied with the victims through the register of Islam and violence, Salahuddin Amin another member of the plot embraced extreme ideas ater his experiences in a refugee camp in Pakistan:

There were a lot of stalls on the main road–on the Mall Road,” he said. “he stalls were set up by the Mujahadeen, the ighters ighting in Kashmir. I was walking up and down at one point I heard a lady making an emotional speech about the atrocities that were happening in Kashmir that was under Indian rule–how women were raped and kidnapped all the time and they had to move from there to Pakistani Kashmir and were in diiculties. She made a very emotional speech and that afected me. (BBC 30 April 2007).

For Amin the efect of hearing about the violence experienced by Pakistani Muslim women at the hands of Indian soldiers captivated him such that he decided to donate money, in addition to attending meetings held by Islamists in his hometown of Luton (BBC 30 April 2007). He identiied with the woman speaker and the victims through the registers of ethnicity, Islam and violence.

The experiences of the above individuals highlight how violence experienced, especially by women and children, that can be identiied with can foster a state of trauma. If we accept that the individuals were traumatised by their secondary experiences, this means that they have not fulilled the prerequisite criterion that legitimates human bombing as documented by Abu Qatada.


I have argued that it is impossible to consider human bomber to be motivated by sacred intention, even if bombers and groups claim as such, on the basis of three issues that I consider to undermine the religious criteria outlined by Abu Qatada.

The first issue is one of identifying the motivations of the bomber. It is clear that the bombers have multiple motivations, including, escapism, family honour and politics of representation. Moreover, the human bomber is not acting from absolute knowledge of God’s path and certainty of the outcomes that will be beneicial to Muslims, but on trust and uncertainty of the outcomes. Even, if we accept that the bomber may have sacred intention, the standard is such that Ali, the fourth Caliph found it diicult to uphold, as the story documenting the battle of Ditch highlights.

The second issue is the groups assuming that they know the ‘real’ motivations of the bomber and these motivations are in the path of God. In declaring knowledge of both, the groups are assuming that they know the mind of God and thus elevate themselves to the God’s status. his places the groups in a precarious position because and outside the fold of Islam.

The final issue is the possibility of the bombers sufering from secondary trauma. Speckhard (2012) argues that secondary trauma played a big part in compelling individuals to engage in human bombing missions as I have outlined. She contends that secondary trauma can occur in people that live in conlict-zones, as well as those who live outside them. I have argued that the 7/7 bombers and the members of the foiled 2006

Transatlantic plot not only visited conlict-zones and witnessed violence irst, they also watched videos that  detailed Muslim sufering; thus they were sufering from secondary trauma and did not fulill Qatad’s criteria. If we accept that the occurrence of either one or all of the aforementioned issues, then this ensures that no scared intention can exist, which means that human bombings falls outside the fold of Islam and can only be explained by non-religious arguments.


[1] here are a number of explanations used for the act of human bombing and the bombers themselves. Although Merari notes four types of explanations, I place them into two categories. he irst category focuses on the individual, looking at religious fanaticism, poverty, personal trauma, revenge, and psychopathology. he second category tends to focus on political grievances, utilitarian concerns, and cultural reasons (Merari 2010: 125).

[2] Abu Qatada al-ilistini was an extremist preacher who operated out Finsbury Park Mosque, London until his detention under anti-terrorism act in 2002. In July 2013 he was extradited to Jordan to face terrorism charges.


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Bloom, M., 2005. Dying To Kill: he Allure of Suicide Terror. Columbia University Press

Bloom, M., 2011. Bombshell, he many faces of Women Terrorists. Hurst & Company London.

Devji, F., 2005. Landscapes of the Jihad Militancy, Morality, Modernity. London: Hurst & Company.

Dodd, V., and Adetunji, J., 2009. Ring Leader of airline plot dreamed of jihad since his teens. Guardian, 08 September. Available from:

Full Transcript of Shehzad Tanveer video., Ummah, he Online Muslim Community. Available from: http://

Friedman, L. S., ed., 2005. What Motivates Suicide Bombers? Detroit: Greenhaven Press.

Gambetta, D., 2006. Making Sense of Suicide Missions. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Grande Strategy, Strategy & Analysis, Islamic Perspective, 2012. Available from: http://www.grandestrategy. com/2007/12/sword-of-allah-chapter-4-battle-of.html

Greenall. V Paul and Marsella Mellisa., 2007. Traumatic research Interviewing Survivors of 9/11. he Psychologist. Volume 20. Number 9. Available home.cfm/volumeID_20-editionID_151-ArticleID_1238-getile_getPDF/thepsychologist/0907gree.pdf

Hafez, M. M., 2006. Manufacturing Human Bombing, he making of Palestinian suicide Bombers. Washington, DC: United State Institute Peace Press.

Hafez, M. M., 2007. Suicide Bombers in Iraq, he strategy and Ideology of Martyrdom. Washington D.C: United states institute of Peace Press

Joshua, H., 2004. Ater Image, Film, Trauma, and the Holocaust. Temple University Press Philadelphia

Khosrokhavar, F., 2005. Suicide Bombers Allah’s New Martyrs. London: Pluto Press.

Merari, A., 2010. Psychological and social Aspects of Suicide Terrorism, Driven to Death. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.

Pape, R. A., 2006. Dying to Win, Why Suicide Terrorists Do It. London: Gibson Square Books.

Pulido. L Mary., 2007. he Ripple Efect: Lessons Learned About Secondary Traumatic Stress Among Clinicians Responding to the September 11th Terrorist Attacks. Clinical Social Work Journal, Volume 35, Number 1, March 2007. Available from: PDF_Version:en-us.pdf

Speckhard, A., 2007. De-Legitimizing Terrorism: Creative Engagement and Understanding of the PsychoSocial and Political Processes Involved in Ideological Support for Terrorism. Available from: http://www.[1].pdf

Speckhard, A,. 2012. Talking to Terrorists. Advances Press. Wright, L., 2007. he Looming Tower, Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Zizek, S., 2008. Violence. London: Proile Books

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Launch YEMENA First Yemeni news agency in spanish

Map of Yemen

Launch first yemeni news agency in Spanish and Arabic, with correspondents in the Middle East and Latin America


Given the political and social situation experienced by the Yemen, born YEMENA News Agency, the first Yemeni news agency in spanish, today the facts and events of the Yemeni nation, in its revolutionary democratic process, before the mobilization and unity of the Yemeni people in the streets demanding democracy, freedom and social justice, against the interests of the warlords, reflects the real situation of Yemeni town with the open development and construction of truthful news review, without obligation to alter the essential objectives of information and tragic chronicle the lives yemeni people, YEMENA News Agency spares no objective information worthless amend the early installation as essential organ of international press.

Likewise it is open to the rest of the media will be respectful of all opinions to help advance and support the path of liberation and independence of the Yemeni people.
YEMENA News Agency is founded and managed by the Argentina-Yemeni journalist, defender of the arab cause and Yemen, Sofia Hassan and the international analyst and expert on Middle East affairs, the argentine-pro palestinian, Abu Faisal Sergio Tapia, director of The Beirut Middle East Herald and ABUJNA , the Abu Jihad Palestinian News Agency.
YEMENA News Agency, has newsrooms and correspondents in the Middle East, Yemen, Argentina and Latin America and an independent and objective analysis of the current Yemeni covering the facts and events of the Arab countries and the world, with interviews and developing your news through its online news media through cables 24-hour news, YEMENA 24
Finally the news services of the YEMENA Yemeni News Agency, are available 24 hours, Spanish, Arabic and English, for all the media on 5 continents who want to broadcast their news in free form, quoting Yemeni News Agency and not altering its contents. Yemenai has all rights reserved (All Rights Resesrved) and registered its international intellectual property SafeCreative – European Union, Global No. 1501313133328

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Book Review – America’s Racial Powder Keg


Image result for America's Racial Powder Keg PHOTO

At a time when the political discourse relating to racial issues, crime, and other socioeconomic matters in America could not be more distorted and twisted,America’s Racial Powder Keg: How a Violent Dependency State Has Been Created Within the Black Community, American Free Press’ latest publication compiled and edited by Victor Thorn, provides much needed insight and straightforward, honest analysis all Americans should and must be exposed to. In an age of so-called “White privilege” and “White guilt” – an age in which White people are blamed for literally all of the evils plaguing society, both currently and throughout history – this book cuts through the disinformation and anti-White propaganda endlessly promoted and perpetuated by the controlled mass media and Marxist educational establishment.The election of President Barack Obama, a mysterious mulatto man who proudly identifies with his African ancestry, ostensibly ushered in a “post-racial America.” Millions of Whites, the vast majority of Blacks, and majorities of other minorities voted for Obama, who became the first non-White president in American history. Racial relations were seemingly the best they have ever been, so the story goes.

Of course, nothing could be further from the truth.

Some suspect, but few truly realize the fact that the elites controlling America are manipulating and outright promoting racial tensions and strife, covering up or downplaying the horrific and widespread phenomenon of Black-on-White violent crime, while excusing Black criminality and failures, blaming all the problems, whether real or merely perceived, confronting minorities in America on “White racism.”

A major theme of America’s Racial Powder Keg is the reality of racial violence in America. Blacks commit an alarming percentage of violent crime in the United States, a fact that is largely downplayed, dismissed, and covered up by the controlled mass media. Several high profile cases involving Black miscreants getting justifiably shot and killed for their degenerate, criminal behavior, epitomized by the Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown incidents, have been deliberately twisted and distorted by the mass media, resulting in an oftentimes violent Black uprising sweeping America. Thorn correctly identifies the root of this crisis – cultural Marxism and political correctness, which have become institutionalized in the West, particularly following the fratricidal Second World War.

“The entire framework for this black uprising stems from the Frankfurt School’s agenda of eroding law and order by supporting criminals over those victimized by criminals,” Thorn correctly avers. Indeed, virtually all of the racial strife and outright violence in America, from both a contemporary analysis as well as historical, can be traced back to a Jewish-inspired, Communist-directed conspiracy aimed at overthrowing, destroying, and ultimately replacing the principal racial stock that created and built America – the heroic White European peoples who founded this nation and developed it into the modern, civilized country it is today.

Israel Cohen, a radical Marxist Jew, admitted as much in 1912. In A Racial Program for the 20th Century, Cohen states:

We must realize that our party’s most powerful weapon is racial tensions. By propounding into the consciousness of the dark races that for centuries they have been oppressed by whites, we can mold them to the program of the Communist Party. In America we will aim for subtle victory. While inflaming the Negro minority against the whites, we will endeavor to instill in the whites a guilt complex for their exploitation of the Negros. We will aid the Negroes to rise in prominence in every walk of life, in the professions and in the world of sports and entertainment. With this prestige, the Negro will be able to intermarry with the whites and begin a process which will deliver America to our cause.

Cultural Marxism and political correctness are the primary psychological and intellectual weapons being used to wage war upon traditional Western civilization, elevating and glorifying minorities and criminals while denigrating and slandering White European peoples and their accomplishments. With the mass media firmly under control of anti-White cultural Marxists, racial tensions have exploded, particularly since the election of President Obama.

The book addresses a wide variety of important issues necessary to understand what is really going on in America today from a racial perspective. It begins by debunking the official narrative of Black slavery in America, pointing out that the slave trade itself was largely dominated by Jewish merchants and slave traders, and that the vast majority of White Americans never even owned slaves. Also, slavery was an institution practiced all over the world, and still is practiced in many parts of modern Africa. Blacks themselves were involved in the slave trade, and even owned slaves in America!

Other important topics addressed in the book include a critical look at both Nelson Mandela, an icon for the left and elite political establishment in the Western world, and President Obama, the unjustified persecution of intellectuals and journalists daring to write critically about race, and the prevalence of crime, violence, nepotism, and corruption plaguing the Black community, amongst other crucial topics.

One of the main points emphasized throughout the book is that the liberal media and political establishment, working in conjunction with various Black activist groups and prominent race hustlers like the Revs. Al Sharpton and Jessie Jackson, have fostered and are perpetuating a violent, counterproductive, welfare-dependent culture within the Black community. Rather than telling Blacks they need to get their act together, take responsibility for their actions, and become productive, responsible members of society, Black leaders and the liberal political and media establishment celebrate and glorify degenerate Black “thug” or “gangsta” culture. Black gang violence and social and economic failure is always excused, never confronted and rectified. Large segments of the Black community in America will continue to be trapped in a never-ending cycle of poverty, violence, and degeneration as long as the politically correct dogmas infecting our society prevail.

Simply put, America’s Racial Powder Keg is a book that should be required reading for all Americans, especially following the upheaval and destruction in Ferguson, Missouri and across the United States.

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‘Lawfare’ and Liberation

by: Prof Richard Falk

Positive and Negative Forms of ‘Lawfare’

Issues of law and ‘lawfare’ are recurrent features of foreign policy debates in the United States. On the side, are efforts by peace activists and others to condition the behavior of all states, and especially the United States, by reference to authoritative limits on national discretion as encoded in the UN Charter, a binding treaty. In opposition to a law-oriented foreign policy for the United States are a variety of arguments that rely either directly or indirectly on a version of ‘American exceptionalism.’ Such arguments do not repudiate international law, but condition its applicability to American behavior and that of American allies, and insist on the implementation of international law in relation to the alleged unlawful conduct of adversaries (e.g. Russia involvement in eastern Ukraine).

On the other side of this discourse is the various forms of ‘lawfare’ as an instrumental use of law to achieve valued ends, positive or negative. In these roles international law can mobilize public opinion and government policy to support or oppose particular undertakings. In this limited sense it is appropriate to conceive of ‘lawfare’ as ‘soft power goepolitics’ or as a form of ‘asymmetric warfare’ waged by political actors deficient in hard power.

It was during the presidency of George W. Bush that the neocons decided that recourse to international law was a weapon of the weak that interfered with the grand strategy of the United States, especially in the Middle East. The terminology of lawfare was adopted by both advocates of reliance on international law as constraints on American (and Israeli) policy and by those who sought to denigrate invocations of international law as obstructive tactics that interfered with the protection of security in a post-9/11 world. In reaction to the Goldstone Report (2009) there was launched a notorious ‘Lawfare Project’ that viewed reliance on international law within the UN setting in a manner highly critical of Israel was a new form of ‘asymmetric warfare’ that needed to be countered to avoid the delegitimizing of Israel as a democratic sovereign state. This kind of interpretation dominated a conference at Columbia Law School, featuring the participation of the Dean, David Schizer, that denounced the Goldstone Report and human rights NGOs and was organized by a coalition of pro-Israeli organizations.

I regard lawfare as the use of the rules and procedures of law more neutrally, as instrumental uses of law to achieve or block policy outcomes. My focus is on international law, but the same dynamics apply to internal uses of law. The website, ‘LAWFARE,’ affiliated with the Washington think tank, The Brookings Institution, and bolstered by the active participation of some Harvard Law School conservative faculty, uses lawfare in this neutral, instrumental way, although its government oriented biases dominates its commentary.

There is a problematic side to international law that reflects its crafting and evolution over the centuries. International law definitely was developed to rationalize the interests and projects of the dominant political actors in the West. International law proved useful in giving a legal cover to colonial rule, unequal and imposed treaties, and to stabilize the expropriation of the natural resources of countries in the global South. At the same time, counter-hegemonic efforts were made to give international law quite different impacts, especially in Latin American settings. The effort was to put forward international law doctrines to strengthen the sovereign rights of weaker countries, especially in the context of economic relations.

Beyond the law on the books, there are the ambiguities created by state practice, especially with regard to peace and security, given the absence of any central governing authority or legislative institution on a global level to pronounce upon disputes about interpretation or to agree upon changes in governing rules. As a result, many ‘violations’ of international law serve as ‘precedents’ for the establishment of new norms; power generates law, and its interpretation, whether or not it serves the cause of justice. Further, with the veto in the UN Security Council giving the permanent members, and also indirectly their friends, a ‘legal’ right of exception with respect to compliance with international law. Such an interface between power and law offers an additional reason to be skeptical about any present claims of a global rule of law.

Against this background, I find it clarifying to distinguish between positive and negative uses of lawfare. I identify positive uses to be efforts to insist that international law be upheld to the extent that it serves values of peace, justice, and human dignity, and that its guidelines and conceptions of right, be generally treated as authoritative in diplomatic arenas concerned with the peaceful resolution of conflicts or initiatives designed to implement international criminal law, including making use of procedures to impose accountability on leaders of sovereign states. In these positive uses, there is an overall compatibility between lawfare and the pursuit of justice, although to express this conclusion inevitably reflects subjective perceptions and outlook. Other commentators on international law can and do have different views on such matters.

I identify negative uses of lawfare to be efforts to denigrate reliance on the procedures and norms of international law in seeking to pursue rights or hold individuals accountable for violations of international criminal law. The neocons were clear about their refusal to bind the pursuit of American foreign policy goals by shows of respect for international law. Their visions of American grand strategy regarded it as naïve and unhelpful to introduce international law dimensions into policy debates about the use of force. In this vein, thinking mainly about uses of force in defiance of the UN Charter and international law, several prominent neocons, including Douglas Feith and Paul Wolfowitz, showed their contempt of international law as nothing more than ‘a weapon of the weak’ that should not be allowed to alter the behavior of the strong, and in effect, justify the disregard of such legal objections to hegemonic policies as mere tactics of the outgunned side in an asymmetric war.

By way of illustration, the exclusion of international law from the Oslo Framework for resolving the Israel-Palestine conflict was clearly an effective instance of negative lawfare, denying for many years the Palestinians the benefit of claiming their rights by reference to international law. An example along the same lines were the punitive responses made by Israel and the United States to initiatives of the Palestinian Authority to seek statehood within the UN System and then on that basis to become a party to international treaties, including most controversially the Rome Treaty, which facilitates access to the International Criminal Court. The essence of this important example of negative lawfare centers on blocking, retaliating against, and denigrating attempts by political actors to make use of available procedures and legal norms to uphold their rights against those who rely on hard power to sustain oppressive structures. .

Lawfare can operate negatively or positively on any level of social interaction. When activists seek to encourage divestment of holding in companies doing business associated with seeking commercial gain from transactions or projects with unlawful Israeli settlements this is positive lawfare, with unlawfulness serving as an indicator of illegitimate behavior. When such initiatives are blocked by a legal technicality to frustrate efforts to encourage or demand divestment, invoking law becomes negative lawfare. This happened recently at the University of California at Davis. Interestingly, as in this divestment context, what is being called ‘law’ are organizational rules operative with a university setting, and not associated with legal rules generated by governmental institutions.

There is no way to simplify or generalize the role of law in human affairs. Its proper assessment depends on taking into account thestructural circumstances (for instance, law as administered by Israel as the occupying power in the West Bank imposes unjust and coercive policies and practices) and on context (for instance, Palestinian reliance on their claims of right based on international law with respect to the right of return of Palestinian refugees, Israeli settlements, status of Jerusalem, control of water). Legal discourse disputes these rights in a variety of ways. Palestinians invoke the authority of the UN General Assembly to vindicate their claims, while Israel claims the authority to put forward its own ideas about insisting that occupied Palestine is a territory of ‘disputed sovereignty’ and as such outside the domain of international humanitarian law.

As long as complex societies exist and actors have their own agendas and priorities, rules and procedures will be manipulated for the benefit of one or

another actor. This inheres in social process. What has happened recently calls for further reflection. Law has been used as an instrument to seek justice and law has been used as a means to gain and secure positions of strategic advantage. ‘Lawfare’ merely makes this tug of war between those that want to invoke international law and those that believes it unduly burdens statecraft

a more systematic reality.

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Thailand Has Become a Police State



Semper Castleton,” an expat living in Thailand for more than twenty years, reports on the power struggle between NWO fronts and the military. Either way, the Thai people will not gain the democracy they seek. 

Three years ago, Castleton reported here “that Thailand is now on the slippery slope to a police state.” His fears have been realized.  

by Semper Castleton 

For the past few years, Thailand has been controlled by a coalition government based on the political machine by Taksin Shinawatra , the deposed Prime Minister ousted by the 2006 military coup . This government has been fronted by his sister (some people say daughter) Yingluck Shinawatra.


(left, Shinawatra supporters, typical Soros color revolution)

It has been a weak coalition. However, it has allowed Taksin Shinawatra to turn Thailand into a client state of the West. His violent red shirt supporters from the country’s north had become stronger and stronger. Whilst witnessing that situation, the indigenous institutions have been far from happy . It was their turn to strike back.

Consequently, in May 2014 there was a swift and brutal coup d’etat. The Yingluck coalition government was busted by the Military.

Peoples were caught by surprise! Their emotions were mixed at that time.

This military takeover had the full blessing of the Monarchy.  Martial law was declared and the military took charge of everything. A few weeks later the TV stations were allowed to open and broadcast but under strict conditions. There was a different feel to air.

The limited resistance by Taksin supporters was quickly crushed. The leader of the coup was prompt to promise an early return to civilian rule and democratic elections by November 2014.

It never happened by that date and it prompted ‘do gooders with agendas in Thailand’ and businessmen in Europe and America, with allegiance to Shinawatra, to publicly condemn Thailand. Even the American Secretary of State made a strongly worded plea to the Military leaders to restore civilian rule as quickly as possible.   Such  condemnation was ignored by the military rulers.

The leader of the coup was blessed (again) by the Thai King .


The Shinawatra family was dealt another blow in January 2015 when Yingluck, 47, was impeached for her part in the failed rice farmers program. She had allowed corruption to go unchecked. Many rice farmers had committed suicide because the government had not made the payments that were due to them.

Yingluck  stated that she was innocent. She even ‘sourgraped” to her Facebook account much to the amusement of Thai people.  At the same time, members of her fallen government threatened  there would be violence on the streets, if she was impeached. Two days after her impeachment, a bomb went off in central Bangkok. No one was killed.

With her impeachment, Thai people hoped that finally the Shinawatra legacy and influence was over. But there was still some resistance left.


There was a crackdown and deportation of foreigners who had overstayed their visas. forrupt businessmen, police, administrators and bureaucrats have been removed.


The leader of the military coup, Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, left, declared himself to be interim prime minister. More thanks and blessings were offered by the Royal Family.

An impeccably dressed man presents himself to the people on state television every Thursday evening, saying that everything in the country is progressing as planned. He also has urged all schoolchildren to participate in the future “12 degrees of Thai-ness ” program. Apparently, he gavies the same message but wears a different suit every week.

Who has benefited from the military takeover? The writer would suggest that it’s only the coup leaders.

Everything is fine in Thailand but it is still under military rule without any prospect of a return to civilian government. Moreover and unbeknown to many Thai people, there is still the threat of continuing disruption by the Shinawatra supporters based outside Thailand.

This threat means that any return to civilian government is unlikely. Where has this been seen before?

It’s very much business as usual on the surface . The country is enjoying cheap oil prices. Sadly, the tourist industry has suffered due to the demonstrations and political turmoil.  Thai schools are also having trouble getting foreign teachers since now they must meet visa and other requirements.

The cost of living has risen considerably. Like other countries, the gap between the very rich and the working class has widened. There are fewer vendors on the streets of Bangkok due to a cleanup.

In the interests of “security,” all locals and foreigners holding unregistered telephone prepaid simcards have been forced to register them with the three major telephone companies or face a fine. There have been many other impositions that have alarmed the people.

Fear of the military abounds. Post-coup life has not been as ‘sabai sabai ‘ (all smiles) as anticipated.  The militarization of the already powerful media has intensified social control. Social hierarchy has not changed.

Thailand is not so far behind the same agenda marketed by David Cameron’s Gulag (UK) and other western nations as it heads towards a ‘Hunger Games scenario’. The police state is here in Thailand. There is Anxiety in Paradise.


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