Archive | February 4th, 2016

Monolithic and Ruthless Conspiracy: The West’s Obliteration of Yemen by Covert Means

Bahar Azizi and Niall Bradley

© Unknown
In August, the head of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Peter Maurer, declared after visiting the country: “Yemen after five months looks like Syria after five years.”

Saudi Arabia’s unilateral blockade of Yemen since late March 2015 has caused a humanitarian crisis of epic proportions in the Arabian peninsula. It is extremely difficult for journalists, aid workers and diplomats to access the country, but from the little information that does leak out, it is clear the situation there is dire. From a population of 25 million – about the same as Syria’s pre-2011 – at least 16 million Yemenis are without clean water, there is a critical shortage of medicine, and 6.5 million civilians are at risk of starvation, including 1.7 million children presently at risk of malnutrition. Peter Maurer, head of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), said after visiting the country last August: “Yemen after five months looks like Syria after five years.”

Widespread aerial bombardment by air forces of the Saudi and Gulf states – with significant direct and indirect military assistance from the US and UK – has killed thousands of Yemeni civilians. During a press briefing early this year, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights reported that “the number of civilian casualties recorded between 26 March and 31 December, 2015 [is] 8,119 people, including 2,795 killed and 5,324 wounded.” However, Dr. Judith Brown, who worked in Yemen for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, points out that the death toll resulting from this military intervention is probably much higher than reported.

© Carolyn Kaster / AP
President Obama and King Salman meet in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in January 2015.

But whose war is this anyway? In the Western media narrative, the House of Saud and Gulf monarchs are intervening to [hold your nose] ‘uphold the legitimate and democratically-elected leader of Yemen’ against an unconstitutional coup that was directed, or at least facilitated, by the Iranian regime. In this context, Saudi bombing of civilians targets are ‘mistakes’. In reality, however, the picture is somewhat different.

Yemen in Geopolitical Context

Yemen is essentially a country that has never escaped the shackles of colonialism, first under British rule, and now under proxy rule by Riyadh (on behalf of Washington). With a population similar in size to Saudi Arabia, but also the poorest country in MENA (Middle East and North Africa), the government in ‘independent’ Yemen has always been heavily influenced by Saudi money and its right-wing Wahhabi interpretation of Islam.

Saudi Arabia is feeling the hounds of hell on its trail as it watches Iran break free from Wall Street sanctions and re-enter the global energy trade. Iran has three times the population of Saudi Arabia, nearly as much oil and gas, and a budding security and trade alliance with Russia and China. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia is as dependent on the US and UK as they are on it, so the only way ‘forward’ is by doing their bidding.

Where the interests of the House of Saud and the Houses of Wall Street, London and Paris merge is in the energy trade, and more specifically, thecontrol of global shipping arteries. For all the hi-tech gadgetry used today, some very old technology still dominates our lives: ships and boats –90% of all world trade is carried over water. And so, as the British (and other sea-faring Europeans before them discovered); whoever rules the waves, rules the world.

The two key shipping chokepoints either side of the Arabian peninsula
Clearly on a fast-track to modernizing its infrastructure, it’s only a matter of time before Iran takes its rightful place as the dominant player in the Middle East. Iran is thus exerting its influence over the world’s busiest oil shipping route, which passes through the major choke point of the Strait of Hormuz. Iran knows that American warships won’t be patroling those waters forever, and that without American ‘protection’, the House of Saud and the Gulf states will have no choice but to embrace Iran’s entry into the markets, and on its own terms.Riyadh is determined to prevent a new, independent regime from forming in Yemen because this would mean losing influence over the region’s other crucial shipping choke point: the Mandeb Strait between Yemen and Djibouti, where the Red Sea meets the Gulf of Aden. This why it sees Iran’s hand behind the Houthi rebellion: the Saudis are projecting their own Machiavellian schemes onto the Iranians. If they were in Iran’s place, they would whip up a rebellion of their co-religionists. Indeed, this is precisely the strategy Saudi Arabia has followed to extend its influence across the Muslim world over the last half century.

Although the Americans and the French have military bases across the Red Sea in Djibouti, the Chinese recently announced their intentions loud and clear by cementing a deal to build a military base of their own there. China has big plans to dot the entire length of the ‘21st Century Maritime Silk Road‘ with bases and trade hubs, stretching all the way from China to the Indian Ocean, the Gulf of Aden, and up the Red Sea through the Suez Canal to the Mediterranean.

Nations all along this route are expressing interest in partnership, and even Big Business in the West is excited by the potential bucks to be made. The problem is that the ‘Masters of the Universe’ in certain Western capitals would sooner set the world on fire than lose monopoly control of the seas (and thus world trade and banking). And thus, the utter chaos and anarchy we see spreading like cancer today, not least in both countries either side of the Gulf of Aden, Somalia and Yemen. These two countries ought to be thriving gatekeepers of the great Europe-China maritime route. Instead they’re human wastelands, the by-product of Washington’s insane quest for total world hegemony.

Yemen Uprising

The ‘coup-plotters’ in Yemen are in fact Houthi tribesmen leading a popular revolution. Although predominantly Shia, and thus co-religionists with the majority Islamic sect in Iran, the Houthis have received ever-growing national, cross-community and inter-religious support since the movement’s emergence in the 1990s. With an agenda that seeks democratic reform and social justice for all, the Houthis have been compared with Hezbollah in Lebanon. Their connections with Tehran end there, however: there is zero evidence of Iranian military support for their cause. Iran’s involvement is limited to moral support for the revolution and efforts to deliver humanitarian aid to the besieged country.

Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, 1956 – 2004, was a Zaidi religious leader and former member of the Yemeni parliament for the Al-Haqq Islamic party between 1993 and 1997. He was instrumental in the Houthi insurgency against the Yemeni government, which began in 2004. The movement took his name after he died in battle against government forces.

The House of Saud previously attacked the Houthis in 2009, at the behest of its long-time ally, Yemen’s president Abdullah Saleh, who generally placated Riyadh since coming to power in 1994. Saleh and Saudi Arabia’s joint attempt to suppress Yemenis’ democratic demands by eradicating the Houthis was dubbed ‘Operation Scorched Earth’, a move thateven US diplomats described at the time as “dangerous and delusional.”

Never shy of behaving in a ruthless and delusional manner, the US nevertheless, under newly-elected president Barack Obama, participated in ‘Scorched Earth’ by carrying out 80 targeted operations – from drones, bombers and warships – in northern Yemen, and killing at least 473 people, according to Human Rights Watch. The justification for doing so was that a new terror organization named ‘Al-Qaeda-in-the-Arabian-Peninsula’ had suddenly sprung up in Yemen, from where it was somehow inducing the teenage sons of rich Nigerians to pack explosives into their underwear and board airplanes bound for the Land of the Free. Yes indeed, the ‘underwear bomber’ farce was actually about suppressing democracy in Yemen.

Westerners rarely heard about Houthi rebels that time around, but the 2011 uprising in Yemen (one of the ‘Arab Spring’ revolutions that was not supposed to happen) changed all that. To satisfy protesters’ demands, the Saudis replaced Saleh with his long-time number 2, Abd Rabbuh Mansur al-Hadi, a weak leader whose efforts to form a unity government could not placate the nationwide groundswell for real change. With constitutional reforms still not forthcoming, the Houthis took power in the capital Sana’a in January 2015. Al-Hadi and his government resigned and fled to Saudi Arabia.

For an all-too-brief moment, it looked like the people of Yemen had finally shaken off the curse of colonialism to begin charting their own course. But the House of Saud had other plans. Having run to Riyadh, the former President Al-Hadi then rescinded his resignation and declared his overthrow an ‘unconstitutional coup’. The UN Security Council passed Resolution 2201, which petitioned the Houthis to immediately withdraw from government institutions, and for all parties to agree on a time frame for 1.) drafting constitutional reform, 2.) holding a referendum to ratify the new constitution, and 3.) conducting elections under the new electoral law.

One wonders what was going through the Russian delegation’s mind as it abstained during this UN vote, considering the US position vis a vis the ‘legitimacy’ of presidents Assad and Yanukovich. When justifying the violent coup d’état in Ukraine in 2014, US spokeswoman Jen Psaki claimed that Yanukovich had lost all legitimacy because he “abdicated his responsibilities by fleeing Kiev during a political crisis.” He didn’t; he was running for his life, unlike al-Hadi, who was under house arrest but not under threat of facing a Houthi firing squad.

‘Shock and Awe’, Obama-style

In any event, the next thing we know, the Saudi ambassador to the US is announcing – at a press conference in Washington, DC – that his country’s air force has commenced airstrikes in ‘Operation Decisive Storm’ against Houthi targets. Nine countries had been enlisted to provide military support and troops to Saudi Arabia – Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar and Bahrain. Somali airspace was also ‘made available’ to the coalition, a remarkable feat of international diplomacy given that Somalia is a failed state with no central government.

The Saudis-US-Gulf axis of evil has been using some obscenely large munitions against civilian targets in Yemen

The Saudi ambassador’s press conference had barely ended before the US government issued a statement saying it would be providing “logistical and intelligence support” to the Saudi campaign, as well as establishing a “joint planning cell” with Saudi Arabia to co-ordinate the airstrikes. The British government recently acknowledged that its ‘specialists’ are present inside Saudi command centers, where their invaluable ‘expertise’ – gleaned from decimating Iraq, Libya and Syria – assists the Wahhabist regime’s military in selecting targets. The whole thing had obviously been pre-arranged by the US government, and behind closed doors, with no UN mandate or basis in international law required.

What is actually happening in Yemen is pretty much the scenario the US claims is playing out in Syria; a popular uprising being brutally suppressed. Except, in this case, the US, through its royalist puppets in the region, is playing the role of ‘brutal dictator deliberately killing civilians’. Again we see that the truth does not just radically differ from the Western narrative; it’s completely inverted. While posturing over the ‘democratic legitimacy’ of Al-Hadi, Saudi Arabia, a country that wouldn’t recognize democracy if it smashed into it in the form of a fiery comet, has used every dirty trick in the book to topple the Syrian government.

And so Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, using recently-purchased British and American weapons, and guided by British and American ‘advisers’, suddenly and violently intervened in Yemen. Not only that, their military is staffed by officers from the UK and elsewhere. Qatar, for example,only recently began training its own pilots; it’s air force is almost entirely a NATO outfit – French bombers, American bombs, British pilots and technicians.

Just as European countries were pushed out in front for the obliteration of Libya in 2011, Operation Decisive Storm is the US ‘leading from behind‘, part of the Obama-era ‘liberal’ re-formulation of the empire’s aggressive post-9/11 foreign policy. It’s the same ‘shock and awe’ conducted by the Bush regime, except that it’s delivered covertly via the military structures of its vassals, enabling the US government to pull the strings behind Saudi Arabia’s blatant violation of Yemen’s sovereignty.

Saudi-Western War Crimes

So what targets are the British and Americans telling the Saudis to strike? Well, the airstrikes are clearly not just aimed at the rebels, but at large sections of the Yemeni population. We can only conclude from this that their purpose is to destabilize the whole nation. Schools, hospitals, mosques, homes, refugee camps, daycare centres, markets, factories, power plants, food storage warehouses, and entire neighborhoods have been pulverized. The airport in Sana’a, the port in Hudaydah, roads, embassies and weddings have also been targeted. On July 24th last year, the Saudis destroyed a power plant and surrounding homes in the port city of Mokha, killing at least 120 civilians. Bagil Jafar Qasim, Director-General of the Mokha power plant, reported:

Bombs targeted them [the residents], without any warning. We don’t know why. We were very shocked. We never expected that they would target a residential area full of children, women, and workers. Sixty were killed in the housing compound.

Several hours after this attack, the Saudis announced a five-day ‘humanitarian ceasefire’, the second such five-day truce last year. Three days in,Saudi jets targeted several provinces, hitting – among other sites – markets and hotels. The latest ‘ceasefire’ was announced on 15 December 2015 and was meant to last for seven days. Shortly before this truce was to take effect, the Saudis launched two raids on the village of Bani al-Haddad, and shortly afterwards, they launched airstrikes in the northern province of Hajjah. What can we conclude form this but that Saudis are proposing and exploiting ceasefires in order to gain ‘military advantage’, namely to terrorize the civilian population into relinquishing their support for the rebels.

A UN panel investigating the terror-bombing in Yemen announced last week that the Saudi-led coalition is conducting “widespread and systematic” attacks on civilians and civilian-related targets. Coming under pressure to cease sending billions’ worth of weapons to the Saudis, the British government responded in the only way it knows how: by having its Minister for the Middle East, Tobias Ellwood, tell the UK parliament that the UN panel’s report was based on ‘lies’ spread by the Houthis.

The man on the left – yes, the left – is the Commander of the Presidential Guard in the UAE, that country’s elite soldiers, and is commanding the 1,500 ‘UAE’ US Marine-trained troops that are part of the Western corporate invading forces in Yemen. His name is Mike Hindmarsh, former head of the Australian SAS.

Obviously well-trained by the Masters of Terror, Saudi coalition jets have also been conducting double-tap airstrikes (where an initial, smaller bombing tempts rescuers, family members and neighbours to approach the site and search through wreckage for survivors, only for everyone in the vicinity to be wiped out by a second, larger bomb). While US-made bombs rain down from UK-made jets, foreign ISIS/al-Qaeda operatives (which are basically operating as Saudi and Qatari ground forces) ensure there is no refuge for civilians by blowing up the mosques where they take shelter, and committingtargeted assassinations of local leaders who support the Houthi revolution.

A combination of cowardice, inexperience, and ‘affluenza‘ means the Saudis have little stomach for engaging in any of the dirty work of direct military engagement with the determined rebels. So the Kingdom has subcontracted ‘boots on the ground’ to private armies like Blackwater (aka Xe, Academi, and now Constellis). Completely unreported in the West are the deaths of British, American, French, South African, Australian and Colombian nationals in Yemen in recent months, all of them foreign mercenaries brought in to suppress the rebellion.

The bloodthirsty Saudis can expect to enjoy another year of military support from Egypt,Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, more fighter jets from the US, UK and Israel, andcluster bombs from the US. In a period of nine months, Saudi Arabia spent over $60 billion on this campaign. In the absence of Russian-Iranian intervention or some other miracle, respite for the people of Yemen may come in the fact that the 70% oil price collapse has hammered the Kingdom’s budget, which could soon see it default on its debts. The IMF is warning that – at the rate it is currently hemorrhaging money – Saudi Arabia will be coming to it, cap-in-hand, for loans by 2020.

Manufacturing Refugees

Westerners have been oblivious to Yemenis’ screams in part because they’re focused on what is immediately visible: ‘the refugee crisis’ – specifically the ‘Syrian refugee crisis’. That particular refugee stream has been politicized to advance the Western agenda of forcing regime change in Syria – and possibly that country’s dismemberment. And yes, the case can be made that European leaders were essentially given orders last year to ‘stand down’ and suddenly let in – against standard practice – unusually large numbers of people fleeing from Daesh in Syria.

But the purpose of this was not to enable ‘Muslim hordes’ to take over and institute ‘Sharia law in Europe’ or to ‘destroy Western civilization’. The purpose was to advance the longer-term post-9/11 agenda of fomenting a ‘clash of civilizations’ that justifies the imposition of police state measures everywhere. Whether you self-identify as a Muslim, Christian, European, libertarian, socialist, traditionalist, atheist, or whatever, as far as the global elite are concerned, we’re all ‘hordes’ that ‘destroy civilization’ and must therefore be terrorized, hystericized, and anaesthetized into ever finer orders of control.

In the meantime, Europe is left to pick up the pieces from wars that are primarily Washington’s doing – the results of which are increasing chaos in the cities refugees are migrating to, and a toxic atmosphere that is thick with hysteria and outrage, some of it justified, but much of it rich with the scent of fascism.

© Felsal Omar/Reuters
Yemenis on the move: Another million refugees heading your way, courtesy of Western corporate psycho wars for control of everything

In the midst of this ‘rude awakening’, however, it seems to have become lost on Westerners that those refugees ‘coming over here to tarnish our White European Values’ are the result of precisely such Western corporate joint ventures as the ongoing obliteration of Yemen. There is a real danger of all that anger generated against the political class over the last decade – after they bailed out the banksters and made the people pay for it – being ‘transmuted’ into rage at the refugees.

The UNHCR estimates the attack on Yemen has generated 140,000 refugees within Yemen thus far – a number it expects will reach 250,000 by the end of 2016. Then we must factor in the 246,000 registered refugees in Yemen prior to the Saudi-led intervention, 95 per cent of whom are Somalis which Yemenis sheltered after Western proxy intervention in Somalia in the early 2000s. That’s another half a million people. Saudi Arabia and the rich Gulf states won’t let them in, so where do you think they’re ultimately going to begin migrating to?

© AFP Photo/Mohammed Huwais
A Russian security guard stands near a plane that Moscow says is carrying 20 tons of aid, in the Yemeni capital Sanaa on November 5, 2015

Other than Iran, which sent its second humanitarian aid ship in June 2015, the only country that seems to give a damn about the Yemeni population is Russia, whose government sent two planes with 46 tons of food and tents in July 2015, and another plane with 23 tons of aid two months ago. They have both tried to deliver more, but the aerial and naval blockade imposed by Saudi Arabia has forced planes and ships to turn back. Currently, Russia has called on all parties to cease hostilities and re-commence negotiations on Yemen’s constitutional future. It does not look like Russian intervention is on the cards, but then again, everything is in flux.

The present is hell for Yemen, and the future doesn’t look any better. It’s one more killing field in a world pock-marked with them, slaughtered on the altar of NATO-stan hegemony.

If there’s anything we can do, it is to at least be aware of the situation and to realize that Western governments are causing, supporting and encouraging the mass murder of thousands upon thousands of innocent civilians. It’s especially incumbent on us to recognize their hypocrisy and lies when they say they want to ‘protect’ us from chaos and anarchy while delivering precisely that. Other ways we can contribute is by sharing information on what happens in Yemen on social media, and to boycott products made in Saudi Arabia. We shouldn’t look away like most in the ‘free world’ do when such war crimes occur, whether it’s close to home or in a land far away.

Posted in Saudi Arabia, YemenComments Off on Monolithic and Ruthless Conspiracy: The West’s Obliteration of Yemen by Covert Means







Ba’ath Party Youth Vanguards from Hama join the celebrations in Nibbul.  One of the placards announces “No” to Sectarianism”. 

Here are some views of the celebratory atmosphere from Almanar: 


Nubbul and Zahraa after liberation

It’s no longer the breaking of the siege. The Syrian Army has now conquered the towns of Nibbul and Al-Zahraa`.  Accompanied by allies in the Badr Brigades from Iraq, Hizbollah and the National Defense Forces, the army was greeted with the full-throated approbation of a people who had to live for over 3 years in the cross hairs of weapons held by the world’s most mephitic forms of rodenta.  I have been informed that the army opened up a corridor for tons of supplies carried in trucks to mitigate the suffering of the people who have vowed to advance their finest sons and daughters to help the army to exterminate all the Saudi and Turk grubs who have infested the holy land of Syria.    

These are scenes I told you I could not wait to see.  But, the amazing thing was how easy it was to liberate these towns when you had a precise plan backed up by the invincible Russian Air Force.  Most remnant terrorist rodents fled, ignoring the orders of their mostly Saudi commanders.  I have been informed by a giggling Wael that the Saudi trash was taken out to alleyways and beheaded on the spot by angry citizens.  It was glorious.

As a follow-up to the astonishing victories in north Aleppo, the SAA exploited the opportunity to engage the attention of the awkward rodents of northern Homs.  Surely they heard about the triumph at Nibbul and Al-Zahraa`, and just as surely, they probably have started to read the writing on the wall.  The Syrian Army dropped leaflets over their heads in which they were told to “drop your arms or else”.  The message was not totally menacing.  There was a refined alternative:  sign up for amnesty and you’ll go back to a normal life.  Those who had blood on their hands would be dealt with by the prosecution and those who are foreigners would be thrown to the wolves (so to speak).  In any case, they have until February 5, 2016 to surrender.  We suspect hundreds will emerge from the crevices, the holes and sewers in which they had to live in order to perfect the suffering of the Syrian people.  The leaflets concluded with the statement that “the Islamic slogans which guided them were fraudulent”.

DAYR EL-ZOR:  The ISIS rodents are desperate for some stunning victory to outshine their competition in Nusra/Alqaeda.  They sent another 2 miserable specimens from some rancid pond to their deaths in 2 separate trucks.  The trucks came out of terrorist-occupied Huwayjat Al-Muree’iyya intending to breach the southeastern wall of the DZ-AB whose defenders are commanded by the legendary, Maj. Gen. ‘Issaam Zhahreddeen, the officer-paratrooper who is known to fire on the enemy alongside his soldiers at the front lines.

The 2 trucks were spotted by drones and the Intel was directed immediately to the “Mad Druze General”.  It didn’t take a genius of his caliber to figure out that the trucks had to be delayed either by pure destruction or mechanical disability.  Several Kornet and Milan missile operators were deployed to the south side of the road on which the rodents were approaching.  The first driver knew, we believe, that he was going to be sacrificed so that the second driver could pass him and head directly into the wall thereby causing a gap which the rats could invade at night.  We know this because the second truck was fitted with different tires designed for tougher terrain.

In any case, all this is quite academic since the Syrian rangers who fired their missiles did so before the 2 trucks could even get within a quarter mile of the wall.  The trucks were stuffed with military grade TNT and C-4.  The explosions, I understand, were typical of these kinds of operations – the drivers turned into a billion atoms right after their smiling faces transformed to frowns displaying the typical realization of abject failure and the sense that all was for naught.  May they roast slowly in Hell.


Nazi forces continue systematic crimes in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt)


(28 January – 03 February 2016)

Hebron – Yatta – Nazi Forces Demolish Number of Houses Belonging to Palestinian Civilians.

  • ·Nazi forces continued to use excessive force in the oPt

–         5 Palestinian civilians were killed, 3 of whom were killed in occupied Jerusalem in one incident.

–         20 Palestinian civilians, including Human rights activist and 2 children, were wounded in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

  • ·Nazi forces continued to open fire at areas along the Gaza Strip borders, but no casualties were reported.
  • ·Nazi forces conducted 81 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and a limited one in the southern Gaza Strip.

–         101 Palestinian civilians, including 24 children, were arrested. 35 of them, including 15 children, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem.

  • ·Nazi forces continued to target Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip sea.

–         4 fishermen were arrested and their 2 fishing boats were confiscated off Gaza Valley shore.

  • ·Jewish majority efforts continued in occupied East Jerusalem.

–         2 under-construction houses in Sour Baher and Silwan villages were demolished.

–         Al-Quds (Abu Dees) University was raided and all belongings of the university student unions were confiscated.

  • ·Settlement activities continued in the West Bank.

–         3 residential tents in Deir Ammar village, northwest of Ramallah, were demolished.

  • ·Nazi forces turned the West Bank into cantons and continued to impose the illegal closure on the Gaza Strip for the 9th year.

–         Dozens of temporary checkpoints were established in the West Bank and others were re-established to obstruct the movement of Palestinian civilians.

–         18 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, were arrested at military checkpoints.

–         A student was arrested at Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing, north of the Gaza Strip.


Nazi violations of international law and international humanitarian law in the oPt continued during the reporting period (28 January – 03 February 2016).



Nazi forces have continued to commit crimes, inflicting civilian casualties. They have also continued to use excessive force against Palestinian civilians participating in peaceful protests in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the majority of whom were youngsters. Occupied East Jerusalem witnessed similar attacks. During the reporting period, Nazi forces killed 5 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank, 3 of whom were killed in occupied East Jerusalem in one incident.

Moreover, they wounded 10 civilians, including Human rights activist and 2 children. Six civilians, including a child were wounded in the Gaza Strip while the remaining others were wounded in the West Bank. Concerning the nature of injuries, 12 civilians were hit with live bullets, 11 others were hit with rubber-coated metal bullets and one was hit with a sound bomb to the face.

In the West Bank, Nazi forces killed 5 Palestinian civilians and wounded 14 others, including a child and Human rights activist. Nine of them were hit with live bullets, 4 others were hit with rubber-coated metal bullets and one was hit with a sound bomb to the face.


The full report is available online at:



Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human RightsComments Off on Nazi forces continue systematic crimes in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt)







ALEPPO:  CONFIRMED.  JUST IN FROM BOTH WAEL AND MONZER, THE SIEGE OF NIBBUL AND AL-ZAHRAA` IS OVER.  SYRIAN ARMY DIVISION, POPULAR DEFENSE COMMITTEES. HIZBOLLAH AND IRAQI MILITIAS POURING INTO THE AREA TO FINISH OFF REMAINING RODENTS.  The Syrian Army has still much to do to make the area completely clean.  But, defeat has struck Saudi Arabia’s monkey plans.  It is a disaster as the army is preparing a pincer action to take ‘Anadaan and then into north Aleppo City for the ultimate clean-up.

Suddenly, the so-called opposition wants a break from the negotiations in Geneva now that one of their trump cards has been swallowed up by the Syrian Army.  It is now adjourned to February 25, 2016 and we predict Saudi Arabia will not send back its crew of criminals.


On Stalin


W. E. B. Du Bois

Originally Published: National Guardian, March 16, 1953

Transcription: Marxist-Leninist Translations and Reprints

HTML Markup: Brian Reid

Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2008). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.

Joseph Stalin was a great man; few other men of the 20th century approach his stature. He was simple, calm and courageous. He seldom lost his poise; pondered his problems slowly, made his decisions clearly and firmly; never yielded to ostentation nor coyly refrained from holding his rightful place with dignity. He was the son of a serf but stood calmly before the great without hesitation or nerves. But also—and this was the highest proof of his greatness—he knew the common man, felt his problems, followed his fate.

Stalin was not a man of conventional learning; he was much more than that: he was a man who thought deeply, read understandingly and listened to wisdom, no matter whence it came. He was attacked and slandered as few men of power have been; yet he seldom lost his courtesy and balance; nor did he let attack drive him from his convictions nor induce him to surrender positions which he knew were correct. As one of the despised minorities of man, he first set Russia on the road to conquer race prejudice and make one nation out of its 140 groups without destroying their individuality.

His judgment of men was profound. He early saw through the flamboyance and exhibitionism of Trotsky, who fooled the world, and especially America. The whole ill-bred and insulting attitude of Liberals in the U.S. today began with our naive acceptance of Trotsky’s magnificent lying propaganda, which he carried around the world. Against it, Stalin stood like a rock and moved neither right nor left, as he continued to advance toward a real socialism instead of the sham Trotsky offered.

Three great decisions faced Stalin in power and he met them magnificently: first, the problem of the peasants, then the West European attack, and last the Second World War. The poor Russian peasant was the lowest victim of tsarism, capitalism and the Orthodox Church. He surrendered the Little White Father easily; he turned less readily but perceptibly from his ikons; but his kulaks clung tenaciously to capitalism and were near wrecking the revolution when Stalin risked a second revolution and drove out the rural bloodsuckers.

Then came intervention, the continuing threat of attack by all nations, halted by the Depression, only to be re-opened by Hitlerism. It was Stalin who steered the Soviet Union between Scylla and Charybdis: Western Europe and the U.S. were willing to betray her to fascism, and then had to beg her aid in the Second World War. A lesser man than Stalin would have demanded vengeance for Munich, but he had the wisdom to ask only justice for his fatherland. This Roosevelt granted but Churchill held back. The British Empire proposed first to save itself in Africa and southern Europe, while Hitler smashed the Soviets.

The Second Front dawdled, but Stalin pressed unfalteringly ahead. He risked the utter ruin of socialism in order to smash the dictatorship of Hitler and Mussolini. After Stalingrad the Western World did not know whether to weep or applaud. The cost of victory to the Soviet Union was frightful. To this day the outside world has no dream of the hurt, the loss and the sacrifices. For his calm, stern leadership here, if nowhere else, arises the deep worship of Stalin by the people of all the Russias.

Then came the problem of Peace. Hard as this was to Europe and America, it was far harder to Stalin and the Soviets. The conventional rulers of the world hated and feared them and would have been only too willing to see the utter failure of this attempt at socialism. At the same time the fear of Japan and Asia was also real. Diplomacy therefore took hold and Stalin was picked as the victim. He was called in conference with British imperialism represented by its trained and well-fed aristocracy; and with the vast wealth and potential power of America represented by its most liberal leader in half a century.

Here Stalin showed his real greatness. He neither cringed nor strutted. He never presumed, he never surrendered. He gained the friendship of Roosevelt and the respect of Churchill. He asked neither adulation nor vengeance. He was reasonable and conciliatory. But on what he deemed essential, he was inflexible. He was willing to resurrect the League of Nations, which had insulted the Soviets. He was willing to fight Japan, even though Japan was then no menace to the Soviet Union, and might be death to the British Empire and to American trade. But on two points Stalin was adamant: Clemenceau’s “Cordon Sanitaire” must be returned to the Soviets, whence it had been stolen as a threat. The Balkans were not to be left helpless before Western exploitation for the benefit of land monopoly. The workers and peasants there must have their say.

Such was the man who lies dead, still the butt of noisy jackals and of the ill-bred men of some parts of the distempered West. In life he suffered under continuous and studied insult; he was forced to make bitter decisions on his own lone responsibility. His reward comes as the common man stands in solemn acclaim.


Biographies & Tributes
J. V. Stalin Archive

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Stalin: Slander and Truth


C. Allen

Book Review

Source: The Communist Review, January 1950

Publisher: Communist Party of Great Britain

Transcription: Marxist-Leninist Translations and Reprints

HTML Markup: Brian Reid

Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2009). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works.

Stalin, A Political Biography
By Isaac Deutscher
Oxford University Press, 25s.

Recently the Oxford University Press published a bulky biography of Stalin by a well-known political journalist of the Economist. Mr. Deutscher, the author, is concerned with politics, and he called his book, therefore, “a political biography.” It is important to see what is the political aim of this bulky volume.

In the present international situation, in the struggle between the Soviet Union and the New Democracies on the one hand, and America, Britain and the rest of the capitalist world on the other, everything written politically is either for imperialism and against the Soviet Union, or vice versa. Mr. Deutscher’s Stalin has one aim only: to blacken the Soviet Union, the Communist Party, and to slander its leader—Joseph Stalin.

His hatred of the Soviet Union runs through the book, The Russians can “rightly be called a nation of savages.” During the war against the fascists “Russia was replete with elements of weakness.” At the time of the siege of Moscow, Mr. Deutscher asserts, without the least shred of evidence, that “members of the Party destroyed their membership cards and badges… symptoms of anarchy appeared in many places all over the area between the fronts and the Volga.” These calumnious statements are quoted to show Mr. Deutscher’s view on the Soviet people and the Soviet Union.

From beginning to end he labours hard to belittle Stalin, his achievements and his views. He rarely bothers to summarise Stalin’s views, but dismisses them as “incoherent,” “crude,” “contradictory.” These epithets occur like a monotonous refrain in the book. Yet Deutscher never proves his accusations of the contradictions in Stalin’s writings and speeches. Stalin, being the “descendant of serfs,” cannot claim to be a theoretician, Mr. Deutscher is trying to suggest. For “theory” belongs to “intellectuals,” and no self-educated people or workers can claim to know “theory”

When the author deals, for example, with Stalin’s famous essay on Marxism and the National Question, one would expect a summary from him of that article, but the reader is merely given a dose of fiction. According to Deutscher, “Lenin probably suggested to him the synopsis of the essay, its main argument and conclusions…. Bukharin may have helped him to look up the books and quotations he needed…. Almost certainly the ‘old man’ (Lenin, C. A.) pruned the essay of the stylistic and logical incongruities with which the original must have bristled” (pp. 1l6-l22). The inquisitive reader might ask: Where did Mr. Deutscher get his facts for this fantastic assertion? Mr. Deutscher is even too shy to quote the source in a footnote. It is not difficult, however, to find his “authority”: Trotsky. The reader must bear in mind that in 1912, when Stalin was engaged in writing Marxism and the National Question, Trotsky was the bitterest enemy of Lenin and the Bolsheviks.

It was of this essay of Stalin that Lenin, who was so impressed by it, wrote to Gorky: “We have amongst us a wonderful Georgian who set down and wrote forProsvezhchenia a long article in which he gathered all the Austrian material” (Lenin, Col. Works, Russian Edition, Vol. XVI, p. 328). Writing ten months later, Lenin again referred to Stalin’s article and again praised it extensively. In his article on The National Programme of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party, he says: “In Marxist theoretical literature this position and the fundamentals of the national programmes of the Social-Democrats have lately been illumined (in the first place Stalin’s article comes to mind)” (Vol. XVII, p. 116).

It is of great interest to note that at the time Lenin was waging a bitter struggle against Liquidationism in the Social-Democratic Party, and particularly against Trotsky—one of the main propagandists of the Liquidationists. In one of his articles Lenin drew attention to another of Stalin’s articles exposing the Liquidators. He writes:

“The correspondence of Comrade K. (Stalin, C. A.) deserves the profound attention of all who treasure our party. A better exposure of the Golos policy (and of Golos diplomacy), a better refutation of the views and hopes of our conciliators and compromisers it is hard to imagine.” (Lenin, Rus. Col. Works, Third Edition, Vol. XV, p. 217, written in September 1911.) It is far from accidental that the same article of Lenin contains a brilliant attack against Trotsky and his role as a liquidator among the Mensheviks.

In the 1905 Revolution, according to Deutscher, Trotsky was the only “leader.” “At the ‘general rehearsal’ the chief actors, apart from Trotsky. . . failed during the most important acts” (pp. 75-76).

While Trotsky made theatrical speeches in Petersburg, the Bolsheviks organised the uprising in Moscow and the Caucasus, the two most important revolutionary events of the 1905 Revolution. The Mensheviks, including Trotsky, condemned the Moscow uprising and bitterly attacked the Bolsheviks at the time. Mr. Deutscher writes:

“The Soviet (the St. Petersburg Soviet led by the Menshevik Trotsky, C. A.) called on the country to stop paying taxes to the Tsar.” This he calls the great “revolutionary heroism” of Trotsky. It may surprise Mr. Deutscher that even the Cadets in their Viborg Manifesto called on the people not to pay taxes to the Tsar. But the real revolutionaries were the Bolsheviks who organised the military uprising in Moscow. They were attacked from all sides, and not least by Trotsky. Lenin called Trotsky “vain and empty” (Lenin, Col. Works, Vol. VII, p. 194).

Now let us turn to the period of the October Revolution, the civil war and the development of the Soviet Union.

Mr. Deutscher makes a lot of play with Stalin’s “mistake” early in March 1917 in supporting the Menshevik Soviet. He never mentions the fact that, first, Stalin admitted it and corrected it, and secondly, that seven years later, in 1924, Stalin again said clearly that he made a mistake in March 1917, and that he “renounced it altogether, and in the middle of April after I had subscribed to Lenin’s thesis” (Stalin, Col. Works, Vol. VI, p. 333).

All the time Deutscher tries to belittle Stalin’s role in the October Revolution: “In the days of the upheaval Stalin was not among its main actors” (p. 166).

According to Deutscher, not only was Stalin not prominent in the October uprising, but he goes on to slander the whole of the Party: “This was the result of the ineffectiveness of the Central Committee” (p. 167).

If the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks showed such “ineffectiveness”, who, then, led the insurrection? Mr. Deutscher knows only one person: Trotsky. “Trotsky, who as President of the Soviet, dominated all its activity…. Trotsky—all the threads of the insurrection were now in his hands” (p. 161). Even Lenin’s role is mocked at. “In the light of the actual rising his (Lenin’s, C. A.) first sketch looks like a somewhat naive essay in adventure” (p. 158).

Now let us look at some facts. Trotsky himself joined the Bolsheviks in July 1917. What happened to the Party up to that date, to the Party that led successfully the October Revolution? During the first imperialist war, between July 1915 and December 1916, the Party organised 480 strikes in Petrograd alone, with 500,000 participants. On February 14, 1917, the Bolsheviks organised the stay-in strike at the Putilov Works, with 30,000 participants. During January and February 1917 the Bolsheviks led 575,000 strikers. In Petrograd, early in 1917, there were no less than fifteen sub-district committees of the Party.

Who led all this work and built the committees and cells? People like Stalin, Sverdlov, Kalinin, Molotov and others, whilst Trotsky was a regular visitor to New York cafes and a constant contributor to Menshevik papers.

It is important to note that Lenin had the following to say about Trotsky in February 1917: “Trotsky arrived, and this scoundrel at once came to an understanding with the Right-wing of Novy Mir against the Left Zimmerwaldians! Just so! That is just like Trotsky! He is always equal to himself—twists, swindles, poses as a Left, helps the Right, so long as he can.” (Lenin to Inessa Armand, Labour Monthly, September 1949).

Trotsky, who joined the Bolsheviks in July 1917, hesitated a long time before doing so. Only after Lenin’s taunts in July that year to him and his colleagues did Trotsky join the Bolsheviks.

Deutscher’s picture that Trotsky solely led the insurrection can now be considered ludicrous. In a highly organised and centralised Party like the Bolsheviks, Trotsky, whatever he did during October, could only carry out the wishes and orders from the Central Committee of the Party.

One of the great weapons in organising the insurrection was Pravda, led and edited by Stalin. The paper gave the Party message to hundreds of thousands of workers, and led the masses. In the beginning of 1917 there were 23,600 members in the Party. By August 1917 there were 200,000. The Central Committee andPravda played the key role in mobilizing the militant workers and soldiers into the Bolshevik Party. Trotsky had nothing to do with that.

On the eve of the Insurrection the C.C. of the Bolsheviks elected the first political bureau to lead the Revolution composed of Lenin, Stalin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Trotsky, Sokolnikov, and Bubnov. A Military Revolutionary Committee was elected on October 29 to direct the insurrection, and it was composed of Stalin, Sverdlov, Bubnov, Dzherzhinsky, and Uritsky. Trotsky as chairman of the Petrograd Soviet did, and spoke, what the Military Revolutionary Committee and the Political Bureau decided.

Let it be borne in mind that when the first Soviet Government was formed, Trotsky was assigned to the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs and not to any of the Defence Commissariats. On the other hand we find Stalin, at the side of Lenin, directing the orders to General Dukhonin, the Chief of Staff of Kerensky, and ordering the general’s dismissal. Stalin is the only Commissar at the time, who in addition to being a Commissar of a special department (Nationalities) was assigned many responsible positions, either at the front, or in organising a Party Congress, or putting matters right in the Ukraine or Georgia. From these assignments Lenin learned of his great military abilities.

This is the reason for Stalin’s outstanding role during the Civil War. Deutscher, as usual, distorts completely his role, and attributes victories of Stalin to Trotsky. Thus the famous Tsaritsyn victory is ascribed to Trotsky! Stalin, though not Commissar of War, was given by Lenin and the Soviet Government plenary powers to take decisions without consulting with Trotsky, the then Commissar of War.

When the Commissar of the Workers’ Inspectorate was first formed in 1919, Stalin was appointed its first Commissar. At the Eleventh Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B) in April 1922, Preobrazhensky, who became afterwards a leading Trotskyist, criticized Lenin for appointing Stalin to a number of Commissariats. Lenin retorted:

“Preobrazhensky has frivolously complained that Stalin is in charge of two Commissariats…. But what can we do to maintain the existing situation in the People’s Commissariat for the Affairs of the Nationalities and to get to the bottom of all these Turkestan, Caucasian and other questions? After all, they are political problems! And they are problems that must be solved: they are problems which have been occupying European States for hundreds of years and which have been solved in the democratic republics to only the smallest degree. We are solving these problems, and we must have a man to whom any representative of the Nationalities may come and discuss matters at length. Where are we to find such a man? I think that even Preobrazhensky could not name anybody else but Comrade Stalin.

“The same is true of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate. The work is tremendous. But to handle the work of investigation properly, we shall have a man of authority in charge, otherwise we shall be emerged in Party intrigues” (Lenin, Col. Works, Vol. XXVII, pp. 263-4).

In addition to all that, Stalin took a leading part in directing the work of the Polit-Bureau (see Lenin, XXVII, pp. 298 and 379).

Deutscher makes a lot of play about Lenin’s famous article “Better Less But Better,” written in February 1923, criticising the work of the Inspectorate. According to Deutscher, the article “was a devastating attack on Stalin as the Commissar of the Inspectorate” (p. 251). Stalin stopped being Commissar of the Inspectorate in May 1922, when he was appointed General Secretary of the Party. At the time when Lenin wrote this article, Avanesov was in charge of the Inspectorate.

Deutscher, relying on Trotsky, devotes a lot of space to the so-called Lenin’s Testament. He writes that it “was never published in Russia.” Stalin, in his article “The Trotskyist Opposition Before and Now, published in Pravda on November 2, 1927, and reprinted in his Collected Works, Vol. X, pp. 175-177, quotes all the extracts about himself and Trotsky. Stalin points out that Lenin noted “the non-Bolshevism of Trotsky” and did not draw attention to any political error of Stalin, but to Stalin’s “rudeness”. Stalin writes that he is proud to be “rude” to everybody who attempts to break the Party.

Stalin is proud that the enemies of the Party direct their ire against him:

“Moreover, I consider it a matter of honour that the opposition directs all its hatred against Stalin. ‘This has to be like that. I think that it would be strange and insulting if the opposition, which is trying to ruin the Party, would have praised Stalin, who upholds the fundamentals of the Leninist Party’” (p. 173).

The whole fight of the Party against Trotskyism is distorted. The little support Trotsky had amongst the members and amongst the workers is ignored. Trotsky’s policy, which attracted round it many of the declassed elements of the Soviet Union, is not mentioned.

The Five-Year Plan and Collectivisation is distorted beyond recognition. The movement of the Stakhanovites is not mentioned, and so on, and so on. But instead the book is full of gossip from diplomatic corridors and material from lying, spurious books.

Mr. Deutscher surpasses himself when he comes to the famous trials of the Trotskyist spies and wreckers during the middle thirties. All the trials “were of course shameless inventions” (p. 377). It will be of considerable interest to quote the opinion of Mr. Churchill. In his Memoirs Churchill records a conversation with President Benes, which is of great historical importance and deserves to be given in full. He writes:

“When President Benes visited me at Marrakesh in January 1944, he told me this story. In 1935 he had received an offer from Hitler to respect in all circumstances the integrity of Czechoslovakia in return for a guarantee that she would remain neutral in the event of a Franco-German war.. . . In the autumn of 1936 a message from a high military source in Germany was conveyed to President Benes to the effect that if he wanted to take advantage of the Fuehrer’s offer he had better be quick, because events would shortly take place in Russia rendering any help he could give to Germany insignificant.

“While Benes was pondering over this disturbing hint, he became aware that communications were passing through the Soviet Embassy in Prague between important personages in Russia and the German Government. This was a part of the so-called military and old-guard Communist conspiracy to overthrow Stalin and introduce a new régime based on a pro-German policy. President Benes lost no time in communicating all he could find out to Stalin. Thereafter there followed the merciless, but perhaps not needless, military and political purge in Soviet Russia, and the series of trials in January 1937, in which Vyshinsky, the Public Prosecutor, played so masterful a part.” (Churchill, The Gathering Storm, pp. 224-225.)

This very authoritative statement should dispose of Deutscher’s lies and slanders about the Moscow trials.

It is of more than historical interest to know what the first report published by the British Government on Russia had to say about Stalin. The Emmott Report (named after the Chairman of the Committee on Russia appointed by Lloyd George’s Government) describes Stalin as one of the four strong men in the Soviet Government and places him next in importance to Lenin (Russia, No. 1 (1921), Cmd. 1240, p.30. The report was completed in November 1920).

The biography of Stalin in the Report describes him as: “The ablest of the many Georgians who are working under the Soviet Government… He was formerly one of the principal organisers of the Bolshevik Section of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party and a close collaborator with Lenin… He has a reputation for remarkable force of character and considerable ability.” The Report also says:

“It also appears that Stalin has for some time ceased to take an intimate part in the work of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Control, and that in addition to his other work as People’s Commissar for Nationalities he has devoted a considerable amount of time to military work” (p. 28).

This reference in the Emmott Report should finish with the myth that Stalin was unknown before 1924.

It is not without interest to see that a Tory Committee appointed by Lloyd George’s Government to examine the situation in Russia pinned their hopes on the possibility of Trotsky succeeding Lenin as the head of the Government and bringing a more “Liberal” regime. Thus as far back as 1920 at the height of Trotsky’s revolutionary popularity Trotsky was looked on as an ally of British Conservatism.

Even in 1920 when Trotsky’s counter-revolutionary activity was not yet recognised by the Party, British Conservatives saw in him an ally of theirs. As Lenin said he “poses as a left, helps the right.”

The Trade Union Delegation that visited Russia in November 1924, recognised the bourgeois character of Trotsky. “Trotsky, who only joined the Party just in time to take a prominent part in the October Revolution, represents liberal non-conformity (in other words, capitalism, C. A.) as against die-hard Communism.” (Russia, Official Report of the British Trades Union Delegation, London, 1925, p. 15).

Deutscher devotes two chapters to the Comintern, one long chapter to the war and one to Teheran, Yalta and Potsdam. The struggle against fascism and for Collective Security, Russia’s joining the League of Nations, the United Front, all these measures advanced by the Soviet Union and the Communist International to prevent the outbreak of a world war, all this has been distorted beyond recognition. According to Deutscher, Stalin during that period was for a full truce with capitalism, and advised the Communist Parties almost to abandon the class struggle (pp. 417-426). There is hardly need to quote chapter and verse from Stalin to the contrary. The facts are too well known.

The struggle against fascism and the fight to prevent the outbreak of a new war, like the fight during the war for the opening of the Second Front, was the essence of the class struggle in international affairs. The attempt of the Munichites, Chamberlain, Halifax, Londonderry, Daladier, Bonnet and others to divert Hitler for an attack on Russia is minimised (pp. 431-434); the author never mentions that even after Hitler entered Prague in 1939, and during the time Chamberlain sent his “illustrious” negotiators to Moscow, a British Cabinet Minister, Hudson, had offered the Germans a loan of £1,000 million and gave an interview to the Daily Telegraph where he suggested that Germany’s “Lebensraum” could be met in the expanses of Siberia and China.

Deutscher never deals with the “phoney” part of the war when Chamberlain and Daladier sent military supplies and were preparing to send armies to Finland, and to attack Russia through Syria and Iraq.

During the war our lampoonist is forced to admit that Stalin showed great leadership. But even then, Stalin’s famous scorched-earth speech was “flat and so uninspiring”—the same speech that inspired the most glorious partisan movement in the history of the world.

In brief, Deutscher’s book on Stalin is an anti-Soviet tirade based on distortions, gossip, and blatant lies. History will not require Deutscher’s opinion on Stalin. The enormous achievements of the Soviet Union, the immortal victories over the fascist armies, the growing might of the Communist influence and the building of a Communist society are the monuments to Stalin’s greatness.

Deutscher’s lampoon—and the book is a 600-page lampoon—is part and parcel of the “cold war” which the imperialists are waging against the Soviet Union led by Stalin. It is hardly surprising to see how the right wing press, from the Tory Observer, the Economist to the Fabian New Statesman have acclaimed it. The book has to be exposed for all the lies and distortions it contains. It has no other value at all. Reaction rages at the Soviet Union, and at Stalin in particular, because Stalin “upholds the fundamentals of the Leninist Party.”

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Stalin — The Lenin of To-day


Comintern History. Communist Party of Australia. 1940s

Foreword to Foundations of Leninism by Joseph Stalin.


We know Comrade Stalin as a great organiser, a man of action and of indomitable will. We know him as a great military strategist in all of the campaigns of the Red Army, including the present colossal conflict with the Fascists.

Comrade Stalin led the Russian Communists and the toilers of the Soviet Union to Socialism, successfully pointing the way to the overcoming of incredible obstacles. We know Comrade Stalin as a practical leader of genius.

In this short work and in his more comprehensive works, Stalin appears before us also as a theoretical leader. He appears as the continuer of the theoretical labors of Marx, Engels and Lenin. He is the foremost living Marxist-Leninist scholar, the Lenin of to-day.

The trotskyite fascist agents tried to deny Stalin’s theoretical ability. They claimed that their defeat was brought about by organisational measures directed against them. But the struggle against the traitorous trotskyites was, in the first place, a theoretical and political struggle of decisive importance. The question involved was one of life or death, the continued existence of the Soviet Republic, the problem of whether Socialism could be built in one country.

Stalin brilliantly defended and elaborated Lenin’s teaching on the possibility of building Socialism in one country and, with a profound grip of Marxism-Leninism, refuted the “theoretical” arguments of his opponents, who, defeated, later sold themselves as Quislings to the Nazi and Japanese espionage services.

Socialism was built in Soviet industry and Socialist forms also triumphed in agriculture. Socialism is successfully resisting the attempt of brutal fascism to overthrow it. Socialism “in one country” is proving itself invincible, thereby vindicating the theoretical and practical stand taken by Stalin in his struggle against the enemies of Leninism.

In the difficult complicated task of building the new Socialist society, at every twist and turn of the long and hard road the Soviet workers had to travel, Stalin held aloft the “lamp of theory that lights the path for the feet of practice,” and solved the problems, in brilliant fashion, on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. In doing so Stalin has further developed and elaborated the teachings of Marx, Engels and Lenin.

The whole of the toiling masses of the world to-day acclaim this great work of the great statesman, Stalin, for it made the Soviet Union the invincible barrier between the peoples and fascist world enslavement.

This little book, “The Foundations of Leninism,” is as invaluable for us to-day as when it was first penned, especially for the understanding of the developing world-wide people’s movement; its organisation before and after its victory and, in particular, the role and form of organisation of the advance-guard of the working class.

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Comrade Stalin—Leader of Progressive Mankind


G. M. Malenkov

Source: “Pravda Articles”, On the Occasion of the 70th Birthday of Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, December 21, 1949

Publisher: Soviet News, London, 1950

Transcription/HTML Markup: Brian Reid

Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2008). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.

A QUARTER of a century ago Comrade Stalin gave an oath on behalf of the Party to fulfil with credit the behests of Lenin. Comrade Stalin’s oath resounded as a fighting call to the Party, to the working class, to the Soviet people, and was a lode-star in the historic struggle to refashion social life, the struggle for the construction of Socialist society.

Comrade Stalin led our Party and the Soviet people along Lenin’s road. He upheld and developed Lenin’s theory on the possibility of the victory of Socialism in one country. Putting Lenin’s behests into practice, our Party under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, secured the Socialist industrialisation of the country and the collectivisation of agriculture, converting the Soviet Union into a great industrial and collective farm Socialist Power.

Comrade Stalin, as nobody else, profoundly understood Lenin’s inspired ideas on the Marxist Party of a new type, upheld the purity of the Marx-Engels-Lenin teaching, developed the Marxist-Leninist theory, steeled the Party in the struggle against numerous enemies, and forged and trains cadres capable of furthering the cause of our Party.

The whole world saw Stalin’s greatness at the sharp turning-points of history: in October, 1917, during the Civil War, in the years of the intervention, when together with Lenin, he led the Socialist Revolution and the struggle to defeat the enemies of the Soviet Power, and in the Great Patriotic War, when Comrade Stalin led the routing of the strongest enemies of our Motherland.

Together with the great Lenin, Comrade Stalin created the first Socialist State in the world. Under the banner of Lenin, under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, our mighty Motherland, the country of friendship among the Soviet peoples, lives, grows and becomes stronger.

During the Second World War, when the dark forces of Fascism hovered over the world and threatened to obliterate human culture, Comrade Stalin, at the head of the Soviet Union, directly led the defeat of the Hitlerite hordes, secured the victory of the peace-loving peoples, and was the recognised leader in the hard struggle to liberate mankind from the yoke of Fascism.

After the end of the Second World War, when new claimants to world domination appeared on the political horizon, Comrade Stalin called upon the peoples for resolute struggle against the instigators of a new world war, and united the peace supporters into a mighty force. Consistently and mercilessly exposing the instigators of a new war, Comrade Stalin became the head of the great movement for peace.

Comrade Stalin is rightly regarded as the great and loyal friend of the peace-loving peoples of the countries of people’s democracy, liberated from the yoke of Fascism, of the peoples of China and North Korea, who have for ever thrown off the yoke of the imperialists.

That is why the peoples of the Soviet Union and all progressive mankind see in the person of Comrade Stalin their recognised leader and teacher. That is why today they express with particular warmth their affection and devotion to Comrade Stalin, and put on record his great services in the struggle for a happy life for the people, for peace among the nations.

The name of Comrade Stalin has long become the banner of peace in the mind of the peoples of all countries. All who want to struggle against the instigators of a new war know and are convinced that they will do the right thing by rallying around Comrade Stalin, the great defender of peace. Mankind, having lived through the horrors of the last world war, craves for peace and is resolutely opposed to a new slaughter. Precisely for this reason all nations greet with gratitude the resolute, unequivocal policy of peace which Comrade Stalin pursues and upholds.

However the warmongers may try to slander our Socialist country, they will not succeed in eradicating from the minds of the common people the conviction that the Soviet Union is the true champion of peace, consistently defending peace all over the world, that our country, as Comrade Stalin says, is able to conduct and is, in fact, conducting a policy of peace, is conducting it not pharisaically, but honestly and openly, resolutely and consistently.

Exposed in their adventurist plans, the warmongers want to deceive the common people by the false assertion that the Communists allegedly consider peaceful co-existence between countries of Socialism and capitalist countries to be impossible. They want to cover up their criminal actions in preparation for a new war by slander of the honest policy of peace conducted by the Communists. Actually Comrade Stalin has repeatedly and categorically declared that the Soviet Union proceeds from the fact of the inevitable co-existence for a prolonged period of two systems, Socialism and capitalism, and firmly adheres to the course of loyal, peace-loving relations with all those States which display a desire for friendly co-operation, on condition of observance of the principle of reciprocity and fulfilment of obligations assumed.

The Soviet Union’s foreign policy, conducted under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, is aimed at securing stable peace among the peoples and the utmost strengthening of friendly co-operation among the peace-loving nations. Since the Second World War Comrade Stalin has already frequently given a precise answer on the absolute possibility of peaceful and prolonged co-operation between the U.S.S.R. and the capitalist countries. It would suffice to recall at least the following direct and clear statements made by Comrade Stalin:

In September, 1946, the Moscow correspondent of the Sunday Times, Mr. Alexander Werth, asked Comrade Stalin: “Do you believe that with the further progress of the Soviet Union towards Communism the possibilities of peaceful co-operation with the outside world will not decrease as far as the Soviet Union is concerned? Is ‘Communism in one country’ possible?”

Comrade Stalin replied: “I do not doubt that the possibilities of peaceful co-operation, far from decreasing, may even grow. ‘Communism in one country’ is perfectly possible, especially in a country like the Soviet Union.”

In December, 1946, Mr. Elliott Roosevelt asked Comrade Stalin: “Do you believe it is possible for a democracy such as the United States to live peaceably side by side in this world with a Communistic form of government like the Soviet Union’s and with no attempt on the part of either to interfere with the internal political affairs of the other?”

Comrade Stalin replied: “Yes, of course. This is not only possible. It is wise and entirely within the bounds of realisation. In the most strenuous times during the war the differences in government did not prevent our two nations from joining together and vanquishing our foes. Even more so is it possible to continue this relationship in time of peace.”

In April, 1947, Comrade Stalin in a talk with Mr. Stassen said, “. . . that one should not be carried away by criticising each other’s systems. Each people upheld the system it wanted and was able to uphold it. As to which system was better—history would show. One should respect the systems chosen and approved by the people. Whether the system in the U.S.A. was good or not—that was the American people’s concern. Collaboration did not require that people should have one and the same system. One should respect the systems approved of by the people. Only on this condition was collaboration possible.”

In May, 1948, Comrade Stalin, replying to an Open Letter by Mr. Wallace, wrote: “. . . the Government of the U.S.S.R. believes that despite the differences in economic systems and ideologies the co-existence of these systems and the peaceful settlement of differences between the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. are not only possible, but absolutely necessary, in the interests of universal peace.”

In January, 1949, the European General Manager of the International News Service of America, Mr. Kingsbury Smith, asked Comrade Stalin: “Would the Government of the U.S.S.R. be prepared to consider the issuance of a joint declaration with the Government of the United States of America asserting that the respective Governments have no intention of resorting to war against one another?”—and “Would the Government of the U.S.S.R. be prepared to join with the Government of the United States of America in measures designed to implement this pact of peace, such as gradual disarmament?”

Comrade Stalin replied that “the Soviet Government would be prepared to consider the issuance of such a declaration,” and further that, “naturally, the Government of the U.S.S.R. could co-operate with the Government of the United States of America in taking measures designed to implement this pact of peace and leading to gradual disarmament.”

These were the words uttered by Comrade Stalin, expressing the aspirations of the Soviet people towards peaceful creative work, towards the establishment of friendly relations among the peoples of all countries.

The Soviet Union considers the road of peaceful competition with capitalism as quite acceptable. Through the words of Comrade Stalin the entire Soviet people declare unreservedly that the U.S.S.R. is against military adventures and is for firm and lasting peace all over the world, although the Soviet people are absolutely convinced of their invincible strength.

Throughout the entire history of the existence of the Soviet Union it has been proved on many occasions that the word of our great leader has never departed from deeds. The dirty and mercenary hack-writers may yell whatever they like about the “aggressive” policy of the Soviet Union. Our leader and teacher, Comrade Stalin, has issued his great call for peace among the peoples. That call is penetrating deeper and deeper into the hearts of the peoples.

No bandits of the pen from the warmongers’ camp will succeed in slandering Stalin’s policy of friendship among the peoples. They will not succeed in blotting out the sacred word “Peace” inscribed on the banners of the peace-loving peoples. The mighty movement for peace against the instigators of a new war is developing wider and wider and continues to strengthen. The peoples of all countries see in Comrade Stalin the great defender of peace.

* * * *

THE FRIENDSHIP among peoples which has been firmly established in our country is a great achievement of the Bolshevik Party. The Bolshevik Party alone was able to forge the indestructible fraternity of peoples, the Party which is the consistent standard-bearer of the ideas of internationalism and international solidarity.

The Patriotic War of 1941-1945 was the gravest test of all the forces of the Soviet Union. It also constituted the gravest test for the Bolshevik Party. The Party emerged from that test with a great victory. Boundlessly loyal to the cause of Communism and following the wise instructions of Comrade Stalin, our Party constantly inspired the people, mobilised its forces for the struggle against the enemies.

The organisational work of the Party united the efforts of all Soviet people, of all mass organisations of Soviet society, and directed them towards the common purpose. All forces and means of the country were subordinated to the task of routing the enemy. The unsurpassed ability of the Bolshevik Party to mobilise the masses under the most complicated conditions was demonstrated once again. At all difficult stages of the struggle for the freedom and happiness of the peoples, for the independence and flourishing of our Motherland, for the construction of Communist society in our country, the Bolshevik Party achieved success because it gained the confidence of the millions of Soviet people, constantly consolidated the links with the masses, and heeded the voice of the masses.

Comrade Stalin teaches that the Bolshevik Party is strong because, leading the movement, it constantly preserves and multiplies the links with the broad masses of the working people.

“The strength of the Bolsheviks, the strength of the Communists,” Comrade Stalin says, “lies in the fact that they are able to rally millions of active non-party people around our Party. We Bolsheviks would never have achieved the successes we have now achieved had we not been able to win for the Party the confidence of millions of non-party workers and peasants. And what is needed for this? What is needed is for the members of the Party not to isolate themselves from the non-party people; for the Party members not to withdraw into their Party shell, not to get puffed up about belonging to the Party, but to heed the voice of the non-party people; not only to teach the non-party people but also to learn from them.”

At all stages of the struggle and the great creative work in building Socialist society, Comrade Stalin has constantly warned our Party, and first and foremost the cadres of leaders, that they should not become self-satisfied or cease to notice shortcomings in the work. Leaders who fail to notice shortcomings or reconcile themselves to shortcomings are not able to advance the cause and are acting not to the benefit of the State, but to its detriment.

The successful fulfilment of the tasks facing the Party is indissolubly linked with the unfolding of Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism, which constitute the basic conditions for the development of our Party. Comrade Stalin teaches that without self-criticism we cannot advance, that we need selfcriticism as we need air and water, that the strength of Bolshevism consists precisely in the fact that it is not afraid of criticism and that from criticism of its own shortcomings it draws the energy for further advance. The slogan of self-criticism, Comrade Stalin says, “lies at the very foundation of the Bolshevik Party. It lies at the foundation of the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat. If our country is the country of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship is led by one party, the Communist Party, which does not and cannot share power with other parties, is it not obvious that we ourselves must reveal and correct our mistakes, if we want to advance? . . .”

Comrade Stalin teaches that self-criticism is a special method, the Bolshevik method, of educating cadres. “. . . As a result of self-criticism,” Comrade Stalin says “our economic cadres begin to pull themselves together, become more vigilant, begin to approach more seriously the problems of administering the economy, while our Party, Soviet and trade union and other cadres become more responsive and sympathetic to the demands of the masses.” Comrade Stalin teaches that self-criticism pursues the aim of revealing and liquidating our mistakes, our weaknesses. “Let the Party, the Bolsheviks, all honest workers and toiling elements of our country,” Comrade Stalin says, “reveal shortcomings in our work, shortcomings of our construction, let them outline the ways to liquidate our shortcomings so that there is no stagnation, bogging down and delay in our work and construction, in order daily to improve our entire work and construction and move from success to success.”

Comrade Stalin teaches that self-criticism is one of the important means for developing the habit of administration in the working people. “What is needed for giving full scope to the forces and abilities of the working class and of the working people generally, and for giving them the opportunity of acquiring the habit of administering the country?” Comrade Stalin says that “What is required for this purpose is first and foremost an honest and Bolshevik implementation of the slogan of self-criticism, an honest and Bolshevik implementation of the slogan of criticism from below of shortcomings and mistakes in our work.”

An unsatisfactory state of affairs with regard to self-criticism inevitably engenders among some workers a bureaucratic attitude towards business, conceit, haughtiness and boastfulness. An atmosphere of success is particularly favourable for the creation of a mood of complacency and an uncritical attitude towards one’s own shortcomings. That is why, under the conditions of successful development of Socialist construction, many Party, Soviet, economic and trade union leaders become excessively self-confident, boastful, neglectful in their attitude towards the voice of criticism by rank-and-file Communists.

Such diseases are above all cured by the fact that the Party masses test their leaders. Comrade Stalin teaches that one must combine checking from above with checking from below. “Certain comrades think,” said Comrade Stalin, “that one can check up on people only from above, when the leaders check up on those they lead by the results of their work. That is not correct. Of course, it is necessary to check from above, as one of the effective means of checking up on people and the fulfilment of tasks; but checking from above by no means exhausts the whole matter of checking. There is another kind of check as well: the check from below, when those led check up on their leaders, note their mistakes and point the way to their correction.

“This kind of check is one of the most effective means of checking up on people. The Party masses check up on their leaders at Party meetings, conferences and congresses, by means of listening to their reports, by means of criticism of defects, finally by means of electing or not electing to leading organs one or another leading comrade.

“The accurate conduct of democratic centralism in the Party as demanded by the Constitution of our Party, the unconditional elective nature of the Party organs, the right to nominate and recall candidates, secret voting, freedom of criticism and self-criticism, all these and similar measures it is necessary to carry into practice so as, among other things, to facilitate checking and control of Party leaders by the mass of Party members.

“The non-party masses check up on their economic, trade union and other leaders at delegate meetings, at mass meetings of all kinds, where they listen to the reports of their leaders, criticise their defects and note the ways of correcting them. Finally, the people check up on the leaders of the country during the elections to the organs of power of the Soviet Union by means of universal, equal, direct and secret voting. The task is to combine the check-up from above with the check-up from below.”

The consistent application of the slogan of self-criticism demands a resolute struggle against all those who put a brake on or place obstacles in the way of its unfolding, demands defence against the persecution of all those who come out actively with healthy criticism in order that those who criticise justly should feel behind them the organised force of the collective. The desire to fight against defects can grow stronger in the masses only when they are confident that indication of defects and their exposure will be effective in practice.

Comrade Stalin teaches that one must wage a merciless struggle against cases of pressure and persecution of self-criticism. To persecute self-criticism, Comrade Stalin says, means to kill every initiative of the Party organisation, undermine the prestige of the leadership among the Party masses, disintegrate the Party and confirm the anti-Party morals of bureaucrats, the sworn enemies of the party, in the life of the Party organisation.

Comrade Stalin educates the cadres of our Party in an intolerant attitude to boastfulness and complacency. He points out that a Party leader does not dare to embellish reality, to hide from the Party the actual state of affairs. If a Bolshevik is firmly convinced that he is right he must, without fawning on anyone’s opinion, act as his understanding and conscience dictate to him. If the Bolshevik is right, if his statements and actions correspond to the ideas, calls and instructions of the Party, no one and nothing can push him from the right path.

Comrade Stalin constantly warns us that not conceit but modesty distinguishes the Bolshevik, that any leader, in whatever post he may be, is the servant of the people. A tradition of Bolshevik leadership is the constant link of the leaders with the masses, the readiness to learn from the masses, to correct those defects which the working peoples point out to them.

Comrade Stalin teaches that, while engaging in everyday work, one must not stay in one place, not live only by old formulas, but study everyday experience and boldly correct mistakes in order to guide the building of the new life in a creative manner. Creative leadership means that, following Marxist-Leninist teachings, we must study the present-day experience of construction and struggle, draw the scientific conclusion from that experience and reflect it in the practice of everyday leadership.

“To sit at the steering wheel,” Comrade Stalin says, “and to gaze without seeing anything until circumstances land us into some accident, does not mean to lead. Bolshevism does not understand leadership like that; to lead one must look ahead.”

* * * *

THE SOVIET people have boundless confidence in our Party, love the Party of Lenin and Stalin, deem it close and dear to them. Comrade Stalin values the confidence of the people highly and teaches the Party to prize this confidence. All Soviet people remember the moving words of our great leader which he spoke on May 24, 1945, at the Kremlin reception to the High Command of the Red Army when he gave a toast to the health of our Soviet people and expressed his warm thanks to the Russian people for their confidence in the Soviet Government in the hard days of the Great Patriotic War.

Under the leadership of Comrade Stalin, our people marches confidently on the road to Communism. With a feeling of great gratitude, turning their eyes to Comrade Stalin, the peoples of the Soviet Union, hundreds of millions of people of all countries of the world, progressive mankind see in Comrade Stalin their beloved leader and teacher, believe and know that the cause of Lenin and Stalin is invincible.


Georgy Malenkov Archive

J. V. Stalin: Biographies & Tributes

Posted in LiteratureComments Off on Comrade Stalin—Leader of Progressive Mankind

Stalin and the Soviet Armed Forces


Nikolai Bulganin

Publisher: Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1950

Transcription/HTML Markup: Brian Reid

Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2008). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.

All the peoples of our Motherland and the working people all over the world are today doings honour to their great leader, wise teacher and best friend, Comrade Stalin, on the occasion of his seventieth birthday.

Comrade Stalin has been fighting for the happiness of the working people, for over fifty years. His life has been one of self-sacrificing effort, and is an inspiring example for all Soviet people, and for the working people of the whole world.

Comrade Stalin’s name is most precious and dear to the heart of all toiling mankind; Stalin—is the symbol of all that is advanced and progressive.

Stalin is the genius, the continuer of Lenin’s immortal cause, the inspirer and organizer of the building of Communism in our country.

Stalin is the creator of the Soviet Armed Forces; he is the greatest military leader of modern times. It was under his guidance that our Armed Forces were created, grew and gained strength. It was under his leadership that they routed the enemy in the period of the Civil War, upheld the freedom and independence of our Motherland in the Great Patriotic War, and saved the people’s of the world from the menace of enslavement to German fascism. Stalin is the creator of the advanced, Soviet military science.


Born in revolutionary battle, the Soviet State stood in need of reliable protection from the encroachments of external and internal enemies. Hence, the Bolshevik Party was faced with the task of arming the revolution, of organizing the army of the revolution. The fate of all he revolutionary gains our people had won depended upon the speed with which this task was carried out.

The creation of the army of the first Socialist State in the world was a new and extraordinarily difficult undertaking. Our Party had to organize an army, the like of which had never been known in history. It was necessary to work out the principles upon which the new type of army was to be built, to pick and promote new cadres of commanders who would be faithful to the revolution and to train them in the spirit of revolutionary discipline and loyalty to the Soviet State; and it was necessary, amidst the prevailing economic ruin, to supply the army with all it needed. All this had to be done under the difficult conditions of military intervention that had been launched against our Motherland by the imperialists of Germany, England, France, the United States Japan and outer countries.

Only great leaders like Lenin and Stalin could rouse the people to overcome these incredible difficulties and create a reliable military shield for the Soviet State. By their will and efforts, the army of the proletarian state was created; and from the first days of its existence this army served not only as a reliable bulwark for the gains of the Great October Socialist Revolution, but also as a faithful defender of the interests of the working people all over the world.

With the foresight of genius, Comrade Stalin was aware of the severe trials of war the Soviet State would inevitably have to go through, and, with his characteristic determination, he told the Party and the people that we must create a strictly disciplined regular army and protect the republic, for otherwise, our cause would perish.

This regular army, this new type of army, the army of the emancipated workers and peasants, the Bolshevik Party created; and herein lay the great service Comrade Stalin rendered our Motherland and the working people all over the world.

During the Civil War, when the fate of the power of the Soviets was being decided, Comrade Stalin, with Lenin, performed immense work in mobilizing all the forces and resources of the country for the purpose of achieving victory over the foreign interventionists and Russian Whiteguards. Comrade Stalin picked and trained the army cadres, created a Party, political administration in the army, and taught the military commissars the art of politically guiding troops.

There was not a single problem concerning the organization of the country’s military defence, in the study and solution of which Comrade Stalin did not take a leading part. Comrade Stalin was the creator of the most important military strategical plans and the direct leader of the decisive military operations conducted by the Soviet forces. Near Tsaritsyn and Perm, near Petrograd and against Denikin, in the west against squire-ridden Poland, and in the south against Wrangel—everywhere, it was Comrade Stalin’s iron will and military genius that ensured the victory of our Soviet forces.

In the history of the heroic struggle our people waged to consolidate the power of the Soviets and, to protect the freedom and independence of our Motherland is inscribed forever the name of the great leader and captain, the inspirer and organizer of victory over our numerous enemies—the name of Comrade Stalin.

The rout of the interventionists during the Civil War did not remove the danger that the imperialists would undertake new military adventures against our Socialist Motherland. Advantage had to be taken of the respite that had been won to prepare the country for new trials of war.

Again and again Comrade Stalin called upon the Party and the Soviet people always to bear in mind the danger of a military attack and to be in constant mobilization preparedness, so that no fortuities, or designs on the part of external enemies may take us by surprise.

When the great Lenin died, Comrade Stalin, in the name of the Bolshevik Party, took the historic vow not to stint efforts, unceasingly to increase the defence power of the Soviet State, and in every way to strengthen its Armed Forces.

The immense historic service Comrade Stalin rendered our people was that he found and indicated the correct ways and means of consolidating the night of the Soviet Union. The fundamental factor and chief prerequisite for the fulfilment of this paramount task was Stalin’s policy to industrialize the country and to collectivize agriculture.

Under Comrade Stalin’s guidance, the Soviet people, within a short space of time, fundamentally changed the face of the country and transformed it into an advanced, industrial power, possessing a mighty war potential and capable of producing modern armaments on a mass scale.

Everybody knows today, that the fact that during the Great Patriotic War our country possessed powerful and smoothly-running war economy capable of meeting all our colossal requirements in arms, ammunition, equipment and provisions was due entirely to Comrade Stalin’s wise policy, to the constant concern he displayed for the military strength of our Motherland.

The whole of the vast work to produce armaments and to supply them to the Army, the Air Force and the Navy, was conducted under Comrade Stalin’s direct guidance. He himself went into all the details of the production of new types of weapons. Under his direction conferences of engineers, airmen, tankists, artillerymen, naval men and leaders of our industry were convened to discuss problems connected with the construction of new types of aircraft, tanks, artillery, warships and other dear requirements.

Comrade Stalin has always displayed and is displaying today constant fatherly care to the rearing of military cadres and to their training in the spirit of selfless devotion to the Bolshevik Party, in the spirit of Soviet patriotism and self-sacrificing service to the people. If our army, he said, will be supplied with a sufficient number of really steeled cadres, it will be invincible. The Great Patriotic War showed that the Soviet military cadres trained by great Stalin are in all respects on the level of the requirements of Soviet military science.

Comrade Stalin rendered our Motherland inestimable service in routing the enemy agents in our country. The liquidation of the enemies of the Soviet people—the trotskyites, bukharinites and other hirelings of imperialism who tried to undermine the economic and military might of our country and to create conditions in it favourable for the imperialists in the event of war—was of decisive importance for the successful building of Socialism and the strengthening of the defence power of the Soviet State. The rout of these enemies of the people was equal to the winning of a big battle on the battlefield.

Of exceptional importance for the further growth of our country’s military might was the work the Bolshevik Party performed in the all-round strengthening of the Soviet State on the basis of the integral and complete theory elaborated by Comrade Stalin on the role and functions of the Socialist State under the conditions created by the capitalist. encirclement.

Guided by Comrade Stalin’s theory of the Socialist State, the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet Government carried through practical measures for the further strengthening of the Soviet Army and Navy. The system of staffing our army was changed in conformity with the changed conditions. On Comrade Stalin’s initiative, and with his participation, a universal military service law was drafted and new Army regulations were put in force.

Thanks to Comrade Stalin’s guidance, the Soviet Armed Forces grew into a formidable force against our enemies.

While working incessantly to strengthen the military might of the Soviet State, Comrade Stalin, at the same time, directed our country’s foreign policy on the lines of fighting for the peace and security of the peoples. He repeatedly warned the peoples of the world that fascist Germany and imperialist Japan were preparing to launch a war of aggrandizement. He called upon the freedom-loving peoples to unite for !he purpose of combatting the warmongers and of curbing the fascist aggressors. The imperialist governments, however, and primarily those of the United States, Great Britain and France, far from taking measures to avert war, in every way encouraged the German fascists and incited them to war against he U.S.S.R. For this treacherous policy of the imperialist governments, the peoples of Europe paid the heavy price of the death and suffering of millions of people and the destruction and devastation of towns, and villages during the second world war.


The attack of fascist Germany upon our Motherland planed her in mortal danger. The Hitlerites openly set out to destroy our Soviet State and to enslave our people. It was a matter of life or death for the peoples of the U.S.S.R. The thoughts and hopes of all Soviet people were turned towards Comrade Stalin. During those hard and grim days for our Motherland, the greatness of our leader and teacher, Comrade Stalin, was revealed in all its magnificence. He took upon himself full responsibility for the fate of our country and people and, as Supreme Commander-in-Chief, headed the struggle against the enemy invasion. This saved our Motherland from slavery and ruin and led us to great historic victories.

In the very first days of the war, Comrade Stalin called upon the Soviet people to wage a Great Patriotic War, to rout the enemy, to wage a self-sacrificing struggle for victory. In his appeal to the people on July 3, 1941, he revealed the true character of the war we were waging, exposed the myth about the invincibility of the hitlerite army, foretold its inevitable defeat, drew up a clear program for the defeat of the German fascist aggressors and formulated the tasks of the people and the army in the war. Comrade Stalin called upon the Party and the Soviet people to reorganize all their work and put it on a wartime footing, to subordinate everything to the interests of the font, to the task of organizing the defeat of the enemy, to dispute every inch of Soviet soil, to wear down the enemy and to foment partisan warfare in the enemy’s rear.

Everybody also remembers the great mobilizing force of the historic speech Comrade Stalin delivered in the Red Square in Moscow on November 7, 1941. That speech breathed indomitable faith in our victory. As is known, the situation at that time was extremely grave. The enemy was at the walls of Moscow and Leningrad. Every Soviet citizen was filled with anxiety concerning the fate of our Motherland. In this grave situation the voice of our leader rang out, full of deep confidence in our victory, in the triumph of our just cause. Can there be any doubt, Comrade Stalin asked, that we can and are bound to defeat the German invaders? The devil is not as terrible as he is painted. Fascist Germany will collapse beneath the weight of its crimes, he said.

Comrade Stalin’s speech raised the spirit of our people and roused unprecedented enthusiasm among our troops. “Stalin is with us. Stalin says we will win, and if he says it, it will be so,” said our soldiers and our people in those days of war.

A month later, in the Battle of Moscow, our troops gained a brilliant victory over the hitlerite army. Comrade Stalin himself directed the whole course of that gigantic battle. He it was who inspired and guided the military operations of our units and formations.

During the Battle of Moscow, Comrade Stalin’s wisdom and courage were displayed with exceptional force. Notwithstanding the grave situation at the front, Comrade Stalin saw to it that the reserves were not prematurely expended. Knowing that General Headquarters had large reserves at their disposal near Moscow, the Commander-in-Chief of the Western Front asked for reinforcements, but Comrade Stalin ordered him to hold up the enemy with the forces at his command. Soon, the wisdom of Comrade Stalin’s decision became evident. Comrade Stalin held those reserves for the purpose of launching a decisive counteroffensive. At the proper time, the front received these reserves in the necessary quantity, and this was the decisive factor in the defeat of the enemy near Moscow.

In the subsequent course of the Great Patriotic War, Comrade Stalin’s genius was displayed with even greater depth and brilliance. This is shown by the results of gigantic battles like those fought at Stalingrad and Kursk and the offensive operations in 1944, and, in particular, the operations conducted for the liberation of the Byelorussian S.S.R. and its capital Minsk from the German invaders, which ended in the rout of the central group of the German forces and in the almost complete extermination and capture of its personnel, the winter offensive in 1945, and the final operation of the war—the Battle of Berlin—which was an immense triumph of the Stalin art of military leadership.

Executing Comrade Stalin’s orders, our Navy served as a faithful assistant of our land forces, and in the course of the war it sank numerous enemy ships on the enemy’s lines of communication, thereby inscribing new pages in the book of Russian naval glory.

All the operations during the Great Patriotic War were planned by Comrade Stalin and were carried out under his guidance. There was not a single operation, in the working out of which he did not take part. Before sanctioning any given operation, he subjected it to thorough analysis and discussion with his immediate comrades-in-arms. He made it a rule to hear the opinions and proposals of front, fleet and army commanders and in this displayed his characteristic sensitiveness and attention to all the comments and proposals that were made.

Comrade Stalin paid special attention to the preparations for operations and made sure that everything that was needed for them, particularly aircraft, artillery and tanks, was supplied. Always his policy was to strike the enemy a sure blow and with the least possible losses. Comrade Stalin himself directed the course of every operation. Every day, and sometimes several times a day, he verified the execution of his instructions, gave advice and amended the decisions of commanders if this was necessary.

To verify on the spot the readiness of our troops for a given operation, he himself visited the fronts. Before the Smolensk operation was launched, he visited the Western Front. On his arrival at Front Headquarters, he verified the readiness of the front commander and the troops for the forthcoming operation, gave exhaustive and infinitely clear instructions concerning the disposition of forces, and saw to it that they were supplied with aircraft, tanks, artillery and all other reinforcements and supplies. He drew the commander’s attention to the individual stages of the operation, to the different phases of the development of military operations. As a result of this, the commander obtained a clearer understanding of the significance of the forthcoming operation and, as we know, it was conducted with great success in complete conformity with the plan sanctioned by General Headquarters.


The historic victory of the Soviet Armed Forces won in the Great Patriotic War is practical proof of the strength and virility of the Soviet military science.

Comrade Stalin laid the foundations of the new, advanced, Soviet military science as early as the period of the Civil War, and throughout the whole course of their history our Armed Forces have been built up, trained and have conducted military operations in conformity with the laws of the Stalin military science. This science, based on the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, and absorbing all that was best in the art of war in the past, gives exhaustive answers to all the problems connected with the conduct of modern warfare and with the achievement of victory in it.

The military science created by Comrade Stalin embraces not only questions of tactics, the art of conducting operations and strategy, i.e., questions concealing the art of war as such, but also questions connected with the economic and morale potential of one’s own as well as the enemy’s country.

Comrade Stalin’s genius as a military theoretician lies primarily in that, when generalizing the experience of war, he, for the first time in history, created a military science that boldly stepped beyond the limits of the art of war and thereby broke with the traditions of the old, “classical” military science which covered only questions concerning tactics and strategy.

In addition to correct strategical and operations plans, the Stalin military science calls for guarantees for the execution of these plans in the shape of the country’s economic potential; and it considers that although good strategical and operations plans are important factors for winning a war, by themselves, if the economic potential is left out of account, they are not sufficient for the purpose of achieving victory.

Comrade Stalin links the question of victory in modern warfare with the political character of a given war. He teaches us that there are liberating and just wars, but there are also predatory wars, wars of aggrandizement. Wars conducted in the interests and for the protection of the people facilitate the maintenance of a high morale among the people and the armed forces throughout the whole course of the war. Wars that are conducted against the interests of the people do not facilitate this. Furthermore, the Soviet military science considers that good plans of war and a high economic potential may prove insufficient for achieving victory if one other factor is absent, namely, a high morale among the people and the armed forces throughout the whole course of the war.

Comrade Stalin has also thoroughly worked out problems of the art of war as a constituent part of the military science.

He has created the theory of the art of operations and modern tactics and strategy.

A characteristic feature of the Stalin art of war is that it constructively approaches the question of the choice of the forms and methods of fighting the enemy. It is free from the stereotyped rules and dogmas characteristic of the bourgeois art of war.

A most important feature of the art of war created by Comrade Stalin is thorough preparation and all-round supply for an operation. Comrade Stalin has always pointed out that the working out of a good plan of operations is not by itself preparation for the operation. The plan of operations is only the beginning. Of decisive importance are preparations to execute the plan, all-round supplies of men, materiel, reserves, etc.

The Stalin art of war found vivid expression in the unprecedentedly gigantic operations carried out during the Great Patriotic War, the distinguishing feature of which was their exceptional purposefulness.

Every operation during the Great Patriotic War was distinguished by the originality of its design and the constructive peculiarity of its execution. On each occasion, Comrade Stalin was able to devise such methods, forms and ways of conducting military operations as most fully served the objectives and the given situation, and at the same time carne as a surprise for the enemy.

Comrade Stalin rendered an outstanding service as a military theoretician by working out the problems of active defence and of counteroffensive. The part that the Stalin theory of these problems and the Stalin art of applying it played in the victory achieved by the Soviet Armed Forces in the Great Patriotic War cannot be overestimated. To get an idea of this it is sufficient to recall what role in the war was played by the battles of Moscow, Stalingrad and Kursk, which were classical examples of active defence and of counteroffensive.

The art of war created by Comrade Stalin is also distinguished by the fact that it solved an extremely important problem like that of the interaction of all arms of the service in a battle or operation, with the employment of massed artillery, tanks and aircraft.

Comrade Stalin raised and solved in a new way all the fundamental problems of modern offensive and defensive operations. This was one of the most important advantages the Soviet Armed Forces enjoyed over the enemy.

Thus, thanks to Comrade Stalin’s military genius, our forces were superior to those of the German fascist invaders not only in economics and morale, but also in military respects.

That is why our people quite justly retard Comrade Stalin, the creator of the Soviet military science, as the greatest of military leaders.


The scope of the problems Comrade Stalin deals with as the leader of the Soviet people and head of our state, and as organizer and leader of the Soviet Armed Forces, is amazingly wide and all-embracing. There is not a problem connected with the life of our Armed Forces that fails to receive his attention.

The study of Comrade Stalin’s extremely multifarious activities during the Great Patriotic War is of enormous importance and essential for the further building up of our Armed Forces and for the training of our military cadres.

Comrade Stalin picked, trained and promoted splendid new cadres of Soviet military leaders, who displayed outstanding skill in executing the plans his genius produced. He carefully studies and picks our military cadres and personally knows our generals, admirals and numerous of officers.

While working out strategical and operations problems during the Great Patriotic War, Comrade Stalin closely studied the fighting experience of our troops. He frequently consulted with generals and officers from the front concerning new methods of conducting battles and operations, and, taking their experience into account, he worked out the tactics for our troops during offensive and defensive operations. Among those invited to consult with Comrade Stalin were top rank generals, as well as regimental and battalion commanders and other army and naval officers.

Throughout the whole course of the war our Soviet soldiers constantly felt the great care and solicitude of their leader. Comrade Stalin called upon all commanders to take care of their men and to cherish every single one; he taught them how to manœuvre skilfully and on a wide scale, and how to use their materiel to crush and exterminate the enemy; he warned them not to undertake unprepared attacks on fortified positions and not to hurl troops against the enemy without a preliminary reconnaissance.

Comrade Stalin always devoted great attention to the conditions of the rank and file of the Army and Navy. He enquired into their scales of rations, the quality of their kit and the weight of the weapons each soldier had to carry. In his orders he repeatedly pointed out that care for their men’s food and living conditions is the sacred duty of commanders, that they must strictly see to it that the men actually receive all the provisions they are entitled to according to regulations, and that well-prepared and hot food be supplied in proper time to the men in trenches, fire points, blindages and dugouts. Thanks to the constant attention Comrade Stalin paid to matters concerning material supplies for the troops, our soldiers at the front were well fed and comfortably and warmly clad.

Exceptionally great was Comrade Stalin’s concern for the political education of the Soviet troops. Guided by his instructions, the Bolshevik Party constantly explained the meaning and objects of the war to the Soviet soldiers, trained them to be highly conscious of their patriotic duty and imbued them with selfless courage and valour, fearlessness and discipline.

The fighting men in the Soviet Army and Navy responded to the all-round care Comrade Stalin displayed for them by expressing their boundless devotion to their leader. For them his name became the symbol of the greatness and heroism of our people. They rushed into battle with the cry: “For Stalin, for our Motherland!”

Comrade Stalin constantly enquired how the various types of weapons were employed in battle and how effective they were; from the information he received he drew the necessary practical conclusions. In August 1941, when fierce fighting was raging near Smolensk, on one of the sectors of the front an enemy battalion that had confidently and arrogantly launched an attack was exterminated with a volley of jet-propelled mortar shells (“Katyushas”), which at that time were not yet being extensively used. The effect of this type of weapon was so terrific that it drove the hitlerites into a panic. On learning of this incident, Comrade Stalin at once gave orders to have this type of weapon manufactured on the widest possible scale. Within a short space of time jet mortars became most widely employed by our army.

During the war, Comrade Stalin studied in detail the designing and introduction of new and improved types of weapons, particularly artillery, tanks and aircraft. He consulted scientists, engineers and heads of armament factories and set there definite tasks in the production of new types of weapons. He gave every encouragement to the innovators’ and rationalizers’ movement in industry and inspired the workers, engineers and technicians to creative effort.

On the instructions and under the direction of Comrade Stalin, his immediate and faithful comrades-in-arms and the whole Bolshevik Party performed enormous economic-organizational work in reconstructing the whole of the national economy for the purpose of supplying the needs of the fronts. As a result, within a short space of time a smooth-running and rapidly growing war economy was built up in our country; and this war economy not only satisfied the needs of the front and the rear, but also enable us to accumulate reserves. The Bolshevik Party united all the efforts of the Soviet people, directed them towards the common goal, and concentrated all their strength and resources on the task of defeating the enemy. During the war the Party became more intimate with the people, more closely connected with the broad masses of the working people than ever before.


The world-historic significance of our victory in the Great Patriotic War lies primarily in the fact that, contrary to the expectations of international reaction, the cause of Socialism became immeasurably stronger than it was before.

As a result of World War II, a number of states have forever fallen out of the capitalist system and have taken the road pointed out by Lenin and Stalin. Already at the Seventeenth Congress of our Party, Comrade Stalin warned the aggressors that if they unleashed a second world war some bourgeois governments would be missing as a result of it. This is exactly what happened.

The disinterested assistance of the Soviet people and of their army enabled the working people of a number of countries in Central and Southeastern Europe to free themselves not only from fascist bondage, but also from the oppression of their landlords and capitalists, and it enabled them firmly to take a new path—the path of building Socialism. The peoples of Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania and Albania are successfully proceeding along this path under the leadership of their Communist and Workers’ parties.

The path of the revolutionary-democratic change has also been taken by the great Chinese people who, under the leadership of the Communist Party headed by Mao Tse-tung, have put an end to the age-long rule of foreign and native exploiters. The Chinese people would not have been able to achieve this historic victory had it not been for the teachings of Lenin and Stalin; for the victory of Socialism in our country, and for the U.S.S.R.’s victory over the fascist coalition.

The Soviet Union, which stands at the head of the democratic camp, is resolutely and perseveringly pursuing a policy of peace. The program of rehabilitation and further development of our socialist economy which Comrade Stalin proclaimed in his speech at an election meeting in the Stalin District of Moscow on February 9, 1946, our post war five-year plan, the plan to plant shelter belts for the purpose of transforming nature in the interests of the people, and many other important measures that have been launched by the Party and our Government on Comrade Stalin’s initiative, are all evidence of the Soviet people’s earnest striving for peace, for constructive work in the building of Communism.

Around the Soviet Union are rallying countless supporters of peace. The Peace Front has grown into a force that is capable of curbing the new claimants to world domination.

The World Peace Congress in Paris and Prague, and the peace congresses that have been held in many countries, have demonstrated how strongly the idea of peace influences the masses and what confidence the working people of all countries have in our Government’s peace policy. The fomenters of a new war will not succeed in carrying out their designs, because, as Comrade Stalin said, the horrors of the last war are too fresh in the memory of the peoples, and the forces that stand for peace are too strong.

Today, on the festival which the whole of progressive mankind is celebrating, we say again from the bottom of our hearts and with profound gratitude. It was the genius of Stalin and his iron will that ensured for the Soviet people the victory of Socialism in our country in an incredibly short period of time, and ensured such an economic development as prepared our Motherland for the severe trials that beset her on June 22, 1941.

It was the genius of Stalin and his iron will that ensured the defeat of the enemy in the past, war and saved the Soviet people from the danger of fascist slavery.

It was the genius of Stalin and his iron will that are today ensuring the Soviet people success in the building of Communism and are helping the entire democratic camp headed by the Soviet Union successfully to fight for peace.

Stalin is the banner, the pride and the hope of the whole of progressive mankind.

Long, long years of life and health to our dear and beloved leader and teacher, the great Stalin!

Nikolai Bulganin Archive

Tributes to Stalin

Posted in LiteratureComments Off on Stalin and the Soviet Armed Forces



Published: 1947

Publisher: Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow

Transcription/Markup: Brian Reid

Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2009). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.


Chapter I

Chapter II

Chapter III

Chapter IV

Chapter V

Chapter VI

Chapter VII

Chapter VIII

Chapter IX

Chapter X

Chapter XI
Stalin Biographies and Tributes

Works by Decade | Collected Works

J. V. Stalin Archive

Posted in LiteratureComments Off on STALIN: MARX-ENGELS-LENIN

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