Categorized | Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI

Not Welcome in Hebron: Its Original Residents and Breaking the Silence

NOVANEWS
JONATHAN COOK
Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, January/February 2019, pp. 30-32
The Nakba Continues
By Jonathan Cook
IDO EVEN-PAZ SWITCHED ON his body camera as his tour group decamped from the bus in Hebron. The former Israeli soldier wanted to document any trouble we might encounter in this, the largest Palestinian city in the occupied West Bank.

It was not Hebron’s Palestinian residents who concerned him, however. He was worried about fellow Israelis—Jewish religious extremists and the soldiers there to guard them—who have seized control of much of the city center.

Even-Paz, 34, first served as a soldier in Hebron in the early 2000s. Today he belongs to Breaking the Silence, a group of former soldiers turned whistleblowers who lead tours into the heart of Israel’s settlement enterprise. After 14 years of operations, however, Breaking the Silence is today facing ever more formidable challenges.

Hebron, 30 km. (19 miles) south of Jerusalem, is a microcosm of the occupation. A handful of settlers moved here uninvited five decades ago, drawn in part to what Israelis call the Tomb of the Patriarchs and Palestinians the Ibrahimi Mosque.

The Herod-era building was erected over the putative burial site of Abraham, Patriarch in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Since then, the settler community’s ranks have swollen to nearly 900—aided by the Israeli army.

Despite their relatively small number, however, their territorial footprint has been expanding relentlessly, and now covers some 2 sq. km. (.75 sq. mile).

The settlers and military, says Even-Paz, have worked hand-in-hand to hijack the freedoms of some 230,000 Palestinian Hebronites and turn the city’s once-vibrant commercial center into a ghost town. All this has happened with the blessing of the Israeli government.

When Even-Paz arrived in Hebron as a teen soldier at the height of the second intifada, he was keen to distinguish himself as a combat soldier by fighting Palestinian “terrorists” and impress his father, a retired career officer.

His political awakening did not begin until later, however, in 2008, as Israel launched a massive assault on the Gaza Strip. Even-Paz would go on to discover the more than 1,000 testimonies recorded by Breaking the Silence, in which Israelis acknowledge that they have participated in or witnessed war crimes during their military service.

“Those stories were exactly like mine. I thought I’d done nothing significant during my military service, that it was boring,” he explained. “I started to realize it was the very mundanity of the occupation—its round-the-clock oppression of Palestinians—that was the core of the problem.”

Even-Paz believes the problem of the occupation is systemic rather than the result of misconduct by individual soldiers.

“Whatever a soldier believes when they begin their military service, there is no way to behave ethically in the occupied territories,” he says. “It’s a system in which Palestinians are always treated as inferior, always viewed as the enemy, whoever they are.

“Every day the job is to inflict collective punishment. We were told explicitly that we were waging psychological war, that we were there to intimidate them.

“In the middle of the night we raided families’ homes, chosen randomly, waking up frightened children. We violently broke up Palestinian protests. I arrested Palestinians every day to ‘dry them out’—to teach them a lesson, to make them understand who is boss.”

Yet in Israel, the military is regarded as an almost sacred institution. Breaking the Silence casts a long, dark shadow over claims that Israel’s is the most moral army in the world.

Hebron is ground zero for much of the group’s work, where military service is a rite of passage for Israeli combat soldiers. The group’s tour attracts some back later in life, either after they grow troubled by their earlier experiences enforcing the occupation or because they want to show family members what their service was like.

Some go on to testify to the group, says Ori Givati, Even-Paz’s colleague on the tour. “When they come with us to places like Hebron, the memories flood back. They recall things they did that they can now see in a different light.”

With the spread of phone cameras in recent years, the dark underbelly of the occupation in Hebron has been ever harder to conceal, confirming the soldiers’ testimonies.

Palestinians have captured on video everything from terrified small children being dragged off the street by soldiers into military Jeeps to an army medic, Elor Azaria, using his rifle to execute a prone Palestinian man by shooting him in the head from close range.

Israel has carved Hebron into two zones, part of its “separation policy.” H1, the city’s western side, is nominally under the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority—except when Israel decides otherwise.

H2, a fifth of the city and home to somewhere between 20,000 and 30,000 Palestinians (the number is contested), is where Israeli settlers and soldiers rule. They are supported by Kiryat Arba, a much larger neighboring settlement of 8,000 religious Jews, hemming in Hebron’s eastern flank.

The chain of settlements form a spear of territory thrusting into Hebron’s throat from the main body of H2 and Kiryat Arba.

In recent months, apparently buoyed by Donald Trump in the White House, Israel has begun expanding the settlements.

In October, Israeli officials dedicated a new archeological site in one of the Hebron settlements, at Tel Rumeida, claiming it dates from the First Temple period. At the same time Israel approved a $6 million plan to convert a former army base into 31 housing units, as well as kindergartens and public areas.

A month later it was announced that a new residential bloc would be built—the first substantial, newly constructed building for settlers in Hebron in more than a decade.

ANNEXATION IN THE AIR

These moves, and others, prompted Michael Lynk, the United Nations special rapporteur for human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, to warn: “Annexation is in the air…Indeed, I think we’re at a stage where occupation is becoming indistinguishable from annexation.”

“The idea is to make life so intolerable the Palestinians will choose to expel themselves,” Even-Paz says. “Unemployment among Palestinians is about 70 percent in H2, so the pressure is on the residents to move into H1 or out of Hebron entirely.”

In their place, the settlers have taken over. Carefree-looking couples wander with babies in strollers, men and boys hurry to seminaries, bored Jewish teenagers study their phones on street corners, and families lounge at bus stops for the frequent services connecting them to Jerusalem and elsewhere.

Everything, says Even-Paz, from water and electricity to rents and public transport, is subsidized to encourage Jews to move here.

Amid the surrounding Palestinian homes, all of this “normality” takes place in a controlled environment that is anything but. It is enforced by heavily fortified checkpoints, razor wire, watchtowers, army patrols and rooftop sentries watching every move.

Many of the settlers have licenses to carry army-issue rifles and handguns.

As elsewhere in the occupied territories, Israel has imposed two systems of law. Palestinians, including children, face summary arrest, military trial and draconian punishment, while Jewish settlers operate under an Israeli civil law that involves due process and a presumption of innocence—though even this is rarely enforced against them.

“They know they are untouchable,” says Even-Paz. “The army’s rules of engagement mean soldiers can’t enforce the law on Israeli civilians.

“Soldiers are not allowed to respond if the settlers commit a crime or assault a Palestinian. They are even under orders not to shoot back if a settler opens fire at them.”

Not that such a scenario has occurred often. Many soldiers are religious settlers themselves, and even the secular ones sympathize with Hebron’s settlers.

“When I served, they brought us hot drinks on a cold day, and iced drinks on a hot day,” Even-Paz said. “During Shabbat [the Sabbath], they invited us to come and eat in their homes. They became like family to us.”

But that welcome has turned sour since Even-Paz joined Breaking the Silence. Settlers have thrown eggs, water bombs, coffee grounds and mud at him. In July, Yehuda Shaul, a founder of Breaking the Silence, was punched in the face during a tour of Hebron, and another guide had paint poured over her.

It’s not just settlers targeting the group.

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Government ministers routinely accuse Breaking the Silence of treason and of aiding supposed efforts by Europe to damage the army and Israel’s image. Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu has in the past called for the group’s members to be investigated by the police.

In mid-October, two officials of Breaking the Silence and the group’s lawyer were questioned at a police station just outside Hebron following their arrest during a recent tour.

Netanyahu also refuses to meet any foreign dignitary who has dealings with Breaking the Silence. That policy resulted in a highly publicized 2017 snub to the German foreign minister, Sigmar Gabriel.

In July, the parliament passed a law barring Breaking the Silence from schools, even though visits by “loyal” soldiers are a mainstay of the curriculum.

Now the army and settlers appear to be working hand-in-hand to stymie the group’s tours.

In fact, 10 years ago, the army issued an order banning the group’s trips to Hebron, though Breaking the Silence eventually won a costly legal battle to have them reinstated.

But in recent weeks the settlers have markedly intensified efforts to break up the tours. The army, meanwhile, appears to be exploiting the upsurge in settler violence to crack down on Breaking the Silence, on the pretext that restrictions are necessary to “prevent friction.”

The same rationale was originally used to implement the system of restricted access for Palestinians to areas of Hebron coveted by settlers. In 1994, shortly after the Israeli and Palestinian leaderships signed the Oslo peace accords, a fanatical Jewish American settler, Baruch Goldstein, opened fire in the Ibrahimi Mosque, killing and wounding some 150 worshipping Muslims (see p. 16).

It should have provided the moment for Yitzhak Rabin, Israel’s then-prime minister, to remove the small settler community from Hebron. It was a necessary first step in proving that Israel was serious about the Oslo process and creating a Palestinian state in the occupied territories.

Instead, Even-Paz observes, Israel entrenched the settlers’ rule, crafting the situation visible on the ground today.

For more than 15 years, Israel has forbidden entry for Palestinians to what was once Hebron’s main throroughfare and central shopping area along Shuhada Street. Now it has been rebranded in Hebrew as King David Street, and declared what the army terms a “sterilized area.” The closure severs the main transport routes for Palestinians between north and south Hebron.

Most of the Palestinian inhabitants have been driven from the city center by endless harassment and attacks by settlers, bolstered by arrests and night raids conducted by the army, says Even-Paz.

The few Palestinians still residing in the area are literally caged into their own homes—their doors welded shut and their windows covered with bars. The bars are there for their own protection, because settlers throw stones, eggs and soiled diapers at their windows. The families are forced to enter and leave via the rooftops into back streets to shop, work and meet friends.

The dozens of stores that once drew shoppers from throughout the southern West Bank have been sealed up long ago. The army, according to our guide, has turned a blind eye to the settlers requisitioning some for their own use.

And the settlers appear to be becoming ever more confident of their hold on the city. In November they claimed that a record number of Jewish visitors—40,000—had attended a commemoration of Abraham’s supposed purchase of the cave in which the Patriarchs are reputedly buried.

As we moved into the settler-controlled heart of Hebron, we got a taste of the new official policy of intimidation and harassment against Breaking the Silence.

It started early on, when an officer approached to tell us we were not allowed to move without a military escort. Soldiers and Jeeps shadowed us closely.

Our group hardly looked combative. It included European staff from a human rights organization; curious tourists; a group of young friends brought along by an Israeli leftist they were visiting; and a young Jew from Brooklyn who was in Israel to understand the occupation and his Jewish identity more deeply.

The only crossing point on Shuhada Street still open to Palestinians, Bab al-Khan, is littered with half a dozen checkpoints, which only Palestinian children returning from school appeared willing to pass.

Even that route is under threat. Settlers have occupied two Palestinian homes on either side of the road in an attempt to force the army to close the street to Palestinians entirely, says Even-Paz.

But the settlers and their Jewish visitors have the run of the place, while our escort of heavily armed soldiers soon blocked the way ahead.

Half-way up Shuhada Street, before we could reach the last two, most extreme, illegal settlements, the military commander issued an order that we were denied further access to “prevent friction.”

“It seems there are only two kinds of people not allowed to walk through the center of Hebron,” Even-Paz observed. “Palestinians and Breaking the Silence.”

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