Archive | November 14th, 2019

Nazi Occupation takes the measurements of the house of the prisoner Qassam Barghouti in preparation for its demolition


By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Cooper Mahtlh: Nazi forces conducted at dawn on Thursday, a survey of a house engineered captive Qassam Barghouti ‘s family in the village of Cooper , north of Ramallah, the center of the occupied West Bank.

On Thursday, Nazi forces raided several houses during their incursion into the villages of Birzeit, Kober, Abu Qash, Sarda and Abu Shkheidim, north of Ramallah.

According to local sources, “Wafa”, that the occupation forces took measurements of the house of the prisoner Qassam Barghouti in the town of Koper north of Ramallah, and stormed several houses in the town.

Clashes erupted with the Nazi occupation forces during their incursion into the town of Birzeit, the villages of Abu Qash, Abu Shkheidim and Sarda, north of Ramallah.

The Nazi authorities attribute to Barghouti, who is accused of belonging to the cell that carried out the operation “Poppin”, the bombing of an explosive device that killed a settlement in the village of Deir Bzeih, west of Ramallah, in August.

شبكة قدس- الأسرى (الاحتياطي)@qudsn_asra

الاحتلال يقتحم منزل عائلة الأسير قسام البرغوثي ويأخذ قياساته تمهيداً لهدمه في قرية كوبر بـ #رام_الله، حيث يتهمه الاحتلال بالمشاركة في عملية عين بوبين.

عرض الصورة على تويتر

٠٨:٠٤ ص – ٧ نوفمبر ٢٠١٩المعلومات والخصوصية لإعلانات تويترمشاهدة تغريدات شبكة قدس- الأسرى (الاحتياطي) الأخرى

Three prisoners continue their strike amid difficult health conditions

The Gaza Strip bids farewell to its martyrs

Two young men were killed in a traffic accident in Hebron

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human RightsComments Off on Nazi Occupation takes the measurements of the house of the prisoner Qassam Barghouti in preparation for its demolition

Nazi forces arrest 3 freed prisoners in Tulkarember


By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Illegally Nazi occupied Tulkarem: The Nazi Occupation Forces (NOF ) arrested at dawn on Thursday three prisoners of liberation following raids in the northern city of Tulkarem.

Local sources said that among the detainees editor Moatasem Samara, who spent more than 15 years in detention, and his brother Adnan Samara, and Mustafa Bedair, after raiding their homes and taken.

She explained that the occupation forces raided the western neighborhood of Tulkarem, and fired bullets and grenades during the raids.

It is noteworthy that the detainees Samara and Bedair, all prisoners of liberation spent many years in detention, and the Nazi Gestapo re-arrest them tonight from the same area.

“Shout Dawn” .. Al-Quds Brigades publish a video of rocket bursts towards the occupation

Haaretz: The plan to assassinate Abu al-Atta was prepared two years ago

Six students were killed and 15 schools were damaged during the aggression on the Gaza Strip 

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human RightsComments Off on Nazi forces arrest 3 freed prisoners in Tulkarember

Details of my meetings with Hariri and Bassil… What about Berri, Jumblatt and Geagea’s attitudes towards the new government?

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Informed sources confirmed to Al-Akhbar that Hariri, who expressed his readiness to nominate a personal prime minister, heard Western demands that he assume the responsibility as he is better able to manage contacts with Arabs and the West in order to obtain urgent financial assistance, and that he should agree to do so with President Michel Aoun and a party. God, to accept Basil to be outside the government. This is a “coincidence”, as demanded by Walid Jumblatt, Samir Geagea and the majority of March 14 forces.

Accordingly, the Hariri-Bassil meeting in Wadi Abu Jameel yesterday was intended to inform the outgoing Prime Minister that his proposals on “technocrats” were unacceptable. Hariri also understood, among other messages, that what he is proposing about a government of specialists corresponds to the US demand to reconstitute power, turn against the results of the recent parliamentary elections and go to a new stage, which the March 8 team will not allow, not even in the form. The formation of a technocrat government without political faces, even if political forces call ministers, means a victory for the axis that seeks to politically remove Hezbollah and its allies from the government.

Al-Akhbar learned that the first meeting, which brought together Bassil and Hariri, was merely storming ideas and exchanging suggestions and admonitions about who should be held responsible for the recent situation. Yesterday’s meeting was a clear response from the head of the “Strong Lebanon” bloc to reject a party without a party. It was preceded, according to information, by a communication between Hariri and Berri, in which the latter confirmed his tendency to form a political government headed by Hariri himself. While Jumblatt and Geagea decided that they would stand with Hariri if he walked into the non-political government. The two men decided to raise their level of participation in popular movements, albeit through another cover.

Well-informed sources said that the March 8 team has sounded its political standpoint and its position is decided. in the street.

Posted in LebanonComments Off on Details of my meetings with Hariri and Bassil… What about Berri, Jumblatt and Geagea’s attitudes towards the new government?

Lebanon: Bassil’s Media Office Responds to ‘Allegations and Lies Made by MP Streda Geagea’

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

The Information Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants in the Caretaker Government, Gibran Bassil, issued the following statement:

“The media office of Minister Bassil denies all the allegations and lies made by MP Streda Geagea.

1. Qozhaya Yusuf Yusuf is said to be not his bodyguard, his security team, and no knowledge of Minister Bassil by his name or name.

2 – The Free Patriotic Movement rejects what has been written against MP Geagea.

3 – The actions of some elements belonging to Deputy Geagea and (Lebanese Forces) of insults and insults and cut off the roads and taking sisters and sabotage of public and private property and prevent the passage of people and the detention of their freedoms and assault them, can only without the intervention of anyone from the current or other, remind people The history of these groups and their relationship with the Lebanese army and citizens in wartime and without the need for any effort on this subject.

Posted in LebanonComments Off on Lebanon: Bassil’s Media Office Responds to ‘Allegations and Lies Made by MP Streda Geagea’

Lebanon: Berri launches “legislative revolution”: “I am with the mobility”

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri launched a legislative revolution that will begin after the election of the Council’s office and its members next Tuesday with a legislative session. With mobility in all its demands except for cutting roads and insults and insults.

Speaker Berri’s positions came after his presidency at the second presidential office in Ain al-Tineh, a meeting of the Council of Representatives in the presence of Deputy Speaker Elie Farzli and MPs Marwan Hamadeh, Alain Aoun, Michel Moussa, Agop Bakradounian and the Secretary-General of the Council Adnan Daher and MP Samir al-Jisr excused because of road conditions.

Berri, after the meeting, announced to the media that the session scheduled for next Tuesday on the 12th is an electoral session to complete the Bureau of the Council and the members of the committees will get on time at eleven and then will close and opened at one legislative session has agreed with colleagues in the members of the Bureau of the Council By virtue of the continuity of the work of the institutions, the agenda of this session should include a number of projects and proposals of laws accomplished by the parliamentary committees. A number of projects and proposals that are considered to be of great importance and which were under consideration in the House of Representatives should be added to the agenda. It has not yet been completed by the competent committees.

He added: I will use my powers as President of the Council in accordance with rule 38 of the rules of procedure and also in accordance with the desire of the real civil movement that demands legitimate and rightful demands, and I will put on the agenda the following laws:

First: Decree 5272 on the Anti-Corruption Law.

Second: Proposing a law to establish a court for financial crimes.

Third: Decree 4303 Law on Guaranteeing Aging.

Fourth: To propose a repetitive accelerated law relating to general amnesty.

On the other hand, Berri added that there are also a number of important laws proposals, but they are presented in more than one proposal for the same law and from more than one bloc.

1. By lifting bank secrecy

Posted in LebanonComments Off on Lebanon: Berri launches “legislative revolution”: “I am with the mobility”

Russian official position on the protests in Lebanon

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Russia affirmed its support for Lebanon’s sovereignty and independence against the backdrop of the ongoing protests, stressing its rejection of any attempts to interfere in foreign affairs in Lebanon.

The Russian president’s special envoy to the Middle East and North Africa and Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov met on Tuesday with Lebanese Presidential Adviser Amal Abu Zeid to discuss the situation in Lebanon, the ministry said in a statement. Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned over mass demonstrations caused by the deteriorating socio-economic conditions of the country’s population.

“ The Russian side stressed its support for the sovereignty, independence, unity and stability of the Lebanese Republic, ” the statement added, stressing its firm and systematic stand to resolve all acute issues of the national agenda by the Lebanese themselves, within the legal framework and through a comprehensive dialogue in the interest of ensuring national peace and consensus.

The Russian side, according to the ministry, focused attention on “rejecting any attempts to interfere in foreign affairs in Lebanon and manipulate geopolitical scenarios by exploiting and fueling the existing difficulties faced by friendly Lebanon.”

The Russian Foreign Ministry has stressed that the protests in Lebanon are an internal affair of the country, calling for a solution through a comprehensive dialogue that allows the preservation of political stability inside the country.

Posted in Lebanon, RussiaComments Off on Russian official position on the protests in Lebanon

Divorce in Islam


Posted by: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

“Talaq” redirects here. For other uses, see Talaq (disambiguation).

Divorce in Islam can take a variety of forms, some initiated by the husband and some initiated by the wife. The main traditional legal categories are talaq (repudiation), khulʿ (mutual divorce), judicial divorce and oaths. The theory and practice of divorce in the Islamic world have varied according to time and place.[1] Historically, the rules of divorce were governed by sharia, as interpreted by traditional Islamic jurisprudence, though they differed depending on the legal school, and historical practices sometimes diverged from legal theory.[2] In modern times, as personal status (family) laws were codified, they generally remained “within the orbit of Islamic law”, but control over the norms of divorce shifted from traditional jurists to the state.[1][3]


Quranic principles[edit]

According to the Quran, marriage is intended to be unbounded in time, as indicated by its characterization as a “firm bond” and by the rules governing divorce.[4] The relationship between the spouses should ideally be based on love (mawadda wa rahma, 30:21) and important decisions concerning both spouses should be made by mutual consent.[4] When marital harmony cannot be attained, the Quran allows and even advises the spouses to bring the marriage to an end (2:231), although this decision is not to be taken lightly, and the community is called upon to intervene by appointing arbiters from the two families to attempt a reconciliation (4:35).[4] The Quran establishes two further means to avoid hasty divorces.[4] It prescribes two waiting periods of three months before the divorce is final in order to give the husband time to reconsider his decision.[4] Moreover, a man who takes an oath not to have sexual intercourse with his wife, which would lead to automatic divorce, is allowed a four-month period to break his oath (2:226).[4]

The Quran substantially reformed the gender inequity of divorce practices that existed in pre-Islamic Arabia, although some patriarchical elements survived and others flourished during later centuries.[5] Before Islam, divorce among the Arabs was governed by unwritten customary law, which varied according to region and tribe, and its observance depended on the authority of the individuals and groups involved. In this system, women were particularly vulnerable.[6] The Quranic rules of marriage and divorce provided a fixed set of norms for all Muslims, backed by divine authority and enforced by the community.[6] The early Islamic reforms included giving the wife a possibility to initiate divorce, abrogation of the husband’s claim to his wife’s property, condemnation of divorce without compelling reason, criminalizing unfounded claims of infidelity made by the husband, and institution of financial responsibilities of the husband toward his divorced wife.[5] In pre-Islamic times, men kept their wives in a state of “limbo” by continually repudiating them and taking them back at will. The Quran limited the number of repudiations to three, after which the man cannot take his wife back unless she first marries another man.[2] Additionally, the pre-Islamic bridewealth (mahr), which was paid by the groom to the bride’s family, was transformed into a dower, which became property of the wife, though some scholars believe that the practice of giving at least a part of the mahr to the bride began shortly before the advent of Islam.[6][7]

The subject of divorce is addressed in four different surahs of the Quran, including the general principle articulated in 2:231:[5]

If you divorce women, and they reach their appointed term, hold them back in amity or let them go in amity. Do not hold them back out of malice, to be vindictive. Whoever does this does himself injustice”.

Classical sharia[edit]

Legal context[edit]

Classical Islamic law is derived from the scriptural sources of Islam (Quran and hadith) using various methodologies developed by different legal schools.[8] It was historically interpreted by jurists (muftis) who were expected to give a legal opinion (fatwa) free of charge in response to any query.[9] Family disputes were handled in sharia courts presided over by a judge (qadi) who had enough legal education to decide some legal questions and queried a mufti if faced with a difficult legal issue.[8] The judges were active members of the local community and were also involved in informal arbitration, which was the preferred method of resolving disputes.[9] In court proceedings, they mediated between the letter of the law and exigences of the local social and moral concerns, with the overarching aim of ensuring social harmony.[10][11] Actual legal practice sometimes deviated from the precepts of the legal school that was dominant in the area, at times to women’s benefit and at times to their disadvantage.[2] Members of all social classes and their witnesses argued their cases in court without professional legal representation, though members of the upper class generally did so through a representative.[12] Women were commonly involved in litigation, usually as plaintiffs, were assertive in arguing their cases, and they were often treated sympathetically by the judge.[11][13] According to legal doctrine, a woman’s testimony in most areas of law carried half the weight of that of a man, though available evidence suggests that practical effects of this rule were limited and the legal standing of women in pre-modern Islam was comparable to or higher than that of their European contemporaries.[14][15]

Talaq (repudiation)[edit]


The term talaq is commonly translated as “repudiation” or simply “divorce”.[2][5] In classical Islamic law it refers to the husband’s right to dissolve the marriage by simply announcing to his wife that he repudiates her.[5] Classical jurists variously classified pronouncement of talaq as forbidden or reprehensible unless it was motivated by a compelling cause such as impossibility of cohabitation due to irreconcilable conflict,[16] though they did not require the husband to obtain court approval or provide a justification.[2] The jurists imposed certain restrictions on valid repudiation.[2][5] For example, the declaration must be made in clear terms; the husband must be of sound mind and not coerced. Upon talaq, the wife is entitled to the full payment of mahr if it had not already been paid. The husband is obligated to financially support her until the end of the waiting period or the delivery of her child, if she is pregnant. In addition, she has a right to child support and any past due maintenance, which Islamic law requires to be paid regularly in the course of marriage.[5]

Giving the husband a prerogative of repudiation was based on the assumption that men would have no interest in initiating a divorce without good cause, given the financial obligations it would incur.[2][16] Additionally, classical jurists were of the opinion that “the female nature is wanting in rationality and self-control”.[2] Requiring a justification was seen as being potentially detrimental to the reputation of both spouses, since it may expose family secrets to public scrutiny.[16]

Talaq is considered in Islam to be a reprehensible means of divorce.[2][5] The initial declaration of talaq is a revocable repudiation (ṭalāq rajʿah) which does not terminate the marriage. The husband can revoke the repudiation at any time during the waiting period (iddah) which lasts three full menstrual cycles. The waiting period is intended to give the couple an opportunity for reconciliation, and also a means to ensure that the wife is not pregnant. Resumption of sexual relations automatically retracts the repudiation. The wife retains all her rights during the waiting period. The divorce becomes final when the waiting period expires. This is called a “minor” divorce (al-baynuna al-sughra) and the couple can remarry. If the husband repudiates his wife for the third time, it triggers a “major” divorce (al-baynuna al-kubra), after which the couple cannot remarry without an intervening consummated marriage to another man.[5] This is known as tahlil or nikah halala. Making the third pronouncement irrevocable prevents the husband from using repeated declarations and revocations of divorce as a means of pressuring his wife into making financial concessions in order to “purchase her freedom”.[17] It also acts as a deterrent to rash repudiations.[16]


Women often entered marriage with substantial capital in the form of mahr and the trousseau provided by their family, which they were not obliged to spend on family expenses, and they frequently loaned money to their husbands. Because of this, and the financial obligations incurred, talaq could be a very costly and in many cases financially ruinous enterprise for the husband. Many repudiated women used the divorce payment to buy their ex-husband’s share in the family house. In the historical record talaq appears to have been less common than khul’.[18]

Available evidence from Mamluk Egypt indicates that talaq was not the principal means of divorce.[2] Talaq was considered to be disastrous for the woman because it deprived her of long-term protection and financial support, preventing her from remarrying, since this would cause her to lose child custody. This led to repudiation without good reason being considered socially improper.[5] Studies of the Ottoman Levant showed that women could invalidate a declaration of talaq by stating that the husband had shown signs of “diminished rationality” when he made it, while others used a husband’s unrevoked declaration of talaq to obtain divorce at a later date if they could prove that he made it.[2]

Talaq al-bid’ah and triple talaq[edit]

Talaq types can be classified into talaq al-sunnah, which is thought to be in accordance with Muhammad’s teachings, and talaq al-bid’ah, which are viewed as a bid’ah (innovation) deviations from it. Talaq al-sunnah is further subdivided into talaq al-ahsan, which is the least disapproved form of talaq, and talaq al-hasan. The ahsan talaq involves a single revocable pronouncement of divorce and sexual abstinence during the waiting period. The hasan divorce involves three pronouncements made during the wife’s state of ritual purity with menstrual periods intervening between them, and no intercourse having taken place during that time.[17]

In contrast to talaq al-sunnahtalaq al-bid’ah does not observe the waiting period and irrevocably terminates the marriage.[17] It may involve a “triple talaq”, i.e., the declaration of talaq repeated three times, or a different formula such as “you are haram for me”.[17][19] Some legal schools held that a triple talaq performed in a single meeting constituted a “major” divorce, while others classified it as a “minor” divorce.[5] Talaq al-bid’ah reflects pre-Islamic divorce customs rather than Quranic principles, and it is considered to be a particularly disapproved, though legally valid form of divorce in traditional Sunni jurisprudence.[17] According to Islamic tradition, Muhammad denounced the practice of triple talaq, and the second caliph Umar punished husbands who made use of it.[19]

Shiite jurisprudence does not recognize talaq al-bid’ah.[20]

Tafwid (delegated talaq)[edit]

Main article: Tafwid

The husband can delegate the right of repudiation to his wife.[2] This delegation can be made at the time of drawing up the marriage contract (nikah) or during the marriage, with or without conditions.[21] Many women included such terms in their marriage contracts. Commonly, the contract gave the wife the right to “repudiate herself” if the husband married a second wife.[2] Delegated repudiation is called ṭalāq al-tafawud or tafwid.[2][21]

Khulʿ (mutual divorce)[edit]

Main article: Khul’


Khulʿ is a contractual type of divorce that is initiated by the wife. It is justified on the authority of verse 2:228:[5]

It is not licit for you to take back anything you have given them unless the two of them fear that they cannot conform to the bounds of God, no blame attaches to them both. If the woman gives back that with which she sets herself free. These are the bounds set by God; do not transgress them.

It is further based on a hadith in which Muhammad instructs a man to agree to his wife’s wish of divorce if she gives back a garden received from him as part of her mahr. A khul’ is concluded when the couple agrees to a divorce in exchange for a monetary compensation paid by the wife, which cannot exceed the value of the mahr she had received, and is generally a smaller sum or involves forfeiting the still unpaid portion.[5] Hanafis and Malikis do not require a compensation paid by the wife.[2] The divorce is final and irrevocable, effective when the contract is concluded.[5] The couple cannot reconcile during the waiting period, defined as in the case of talaq, but the husband is required to pay maintenance during its term, unless the requirement is waived by the contract.[2] As in the case of talaq, remarriage is possible until a khul’ is concluded for a third time. If the husband pressures his wife to agree to khul’ instead of pronouncing talaq, which would let him avoid attendant financial responsibilities, the divorce is considered to be invalid.[5] Like talaq, khulʿ takes place out of court.[2]


Relative frequency of khul’ has been noted in studies of Istanbul, Anatolia, Syria, Muslim Cyprus, Egypt and Palestine.[18]

In studies of Mamluk Egypt and the Balkans under Ottoman rule, khul’ was shown to have been the principal means of divorce. Women employed a number of strategies to force a settlement from their husbands. Some neglected their marital and household duties, making family life impossible for the husband. Others demanded immediate payment of the deferred mahr, knowing that the husband had no means to comply and would be jailed if he failed to do so.[2]

In some cases the khul’ contract involved no compensation from the wife, while in other cases women would waive all of their husband’s financial obligations.[2] According to studies of the Ottoman Levant, various court procedures were put in place to ensure that a khul’ was not actually a talaq.[2]

Judicial divorce[edit]


A marriage can also be dissolved by means of judicial divorce. Either spouse can petition a qadi court to obtain judicial divorce, but they must have compelling grounds for dissolving the marriage. The court starts the process by appointing an arbitrator from each of their families in order to seek a mediated reconciliation. If this effort fails, the court adjudicates the dispute by apportioning fault for the breakdown of the marriage with the associated financial consequences.[5] Examples of fault are cruelty; husband’s failure to provide maintenance or pay the immediate installment of mahr; infidelity; desertion; moral or social incompatibility; certain ailments; and imprisonment harmful to the marriage.[2][5] Judicial divorce can also be sought over violations of terms stipulated in the marriage contract. Different legal schools recognized different subsets of these grounds for divorce.[5] The Maliki school, which recognized the widest range of grounds for divorce, also stipulates a category of “harm” (ḍarar), which gave the judge significant discretion of interpretation.[2]


In some areas under Ottoman rule it was hardly possible for women to obtain divorce except through khul’ due to the restriction imposed by the prevailing Hanafi school, though some exceptions have been found. The most serious problem was abandonment, which was not recognized as grounds for judicial divorce. To address this, in some cases a man setting out for travel would leave his wife a letter authorizing talaq if he did not return within a specified period of time. In other cases, Hanafi judges invited a Maliki or Hanbali colleague to pronounce divorce, or the woman herself took the initiative to seek out a judge from one of these schools. The same approach was used to effect a divorce in cases of failure to provide maintenance. In the Ottoman Balkans a woman could file for divorce on the grounds that her husband was “not a good Muslim”.[2]

Since marriages between non-Muslim men and Muslim women are forbidden under Islamic law, when a married woman converted to Islam but her husband did not, the marriage would be considered void by Muslim authorities and the woman obtained custody of the children. Seventeenth-century sources indicate that non-Muslim women throughout the Ottoman Empire used this method to obtain a divorce.[22]



The husband can end marriage through three types of oaths: the oath of continence (īlāʿ and iẓhar), the denial of paternity (liʿan), and conditional ṭalāq.[2] The first two types were pre-Islamic practices confirmed by the Quran (2:226–227 for ila, and 58:2–4 for izhar), which also makes clear that izhar is reprehensible despite being legally valid.[2]

Ila is an oath whereby the husband vows to refrain from sexual relations with his wife for at least four months. If he fulfils his oath, the marriage is dissolved; if he breaks it, the marriage continues. In the izhar (or ẓihār) oath a man declares that his wife is as sexually prohibited to him as his mother. The husband is able to break the oath and resume the marriage. Breaking either oath requires expiation by means of feeding the poor or fasting.[5]

In the li’an oath, the husband denies paternity of his wife’s child. The wife is given an opportunity to take an oath denying infidelity, and if she does so and the husband persists in his accusation, the marriage is dissolved by a judge and the couple can never remarry.[2]

In the oath of conditional ṭalāq, the husband declares that he will divorce his wife if he or she performs a certain act. This oath can serve as a protection for the wife or as a threat by the husband, depending on the specified act.[2]


Studies of practices under Mamluk and Ottoman rule found no instances of the oaths of li’an or abstinence being used, while conditional talaq seems to have played a prominent role. It was used to issue various threats to the wife as well as to make promises. In Ottoman Egypt marriage contracts commonly included stipulations of conditional talaq which were not otherwise recognized by the prevailing Hanafi school as grounds for judicial divorce, such as non-payment of maintenance or marrying a second wife.[2]

Other consequences of divorce[edit]

Islamic law does not recognize the concept of communal property, and division of property is based on its attribution to either spouse. The wife obtains custody of the children until their majority (whose definition varies according to legal school), while the father retains guardianship.[2]

Child custody practices under Ottoman rule appear to have followed the rules of Hanafi juridprudence, although in Ottoman Egypt children generally stayed with their divorced mother beyond the prescribed age. A divorced woman could keep custody of the children unless she remarried and her husband claimed custody, in which case it generally passed to one of her female relatives. Under the Mamluks, women could waive the right to child support in order to obtain extended custody.[2]

Dower (mahr) in divorce[edit]

Mahr is a nuptial gift made by groom to the bride at the time of marriage. Upon receipt, it becomes her sole property with complete freedom of use and disposal. The marriage contract is not valid without the mahr. The amount of the mahr generally depended on the socio-economic status of the bride. The payment of a portion of the mahr was commonly deferred and served as a deterrent to the exercise of the right of unilateral divorce by the husband, although classical jurists disagreed about the permissibility and manner of deferring payment of the mahr.[23]

Islamic jurisprudence has clear guidance on handling of mahr in the case of divorce, depending on who asks for the divorce and whether or not the intercourse occurred. If the husband asks for a divorce and intercourse has occurred, he pays full mahr; if the husband asks for a divorce and the intercourse has not occurred, the husband pays half the dower; if the wife asks for a divorce and intercourse has occurred, the husband pays half the mahr; and if the wife asks for a divorce and intercourse has not occurred, then no mahr is required to be paid by the husband.[24][better source needed]

Modern era[edit]

Legal transformation[edit]

In the modern era, sharia-based laws were widely replaced by statutes based on European models, and its classical rules were largely retained only in personal status (family) laws.[8] Different explanations have been proposed for this phenomenon. Several scholars have argued that because these laws are more extensively specified in the Quran and hadith than others, it has been difficult for believers to accept deviating from these rules.[1] In contrast, Wael Hallaq sees it as a legacy of colonialism: changing family laws would have provided no benefit in colonial administration, and colonial powers promoted the theory that these laws were sacred to the population, advertising their preservation as a mark of respect, which in turn led to them being taken up as a point of reference in modern Muslim identity politics.[25]

Important changes in family laws took place in the modern era. The laws underwent codification by legislative bodies and were also displaced from their original context into modern legal systems, which generally followed Western practices in court procedure and legal education.[8] This severed them both from the classical interpretative tradition and from the institutional foundations of the pre-modern legal system into which they were embedded.[26] In particular, control over the norms of divorce shifted from traditional jurists to the state, though they generally remained “within the orbit of Islamic law”.[1]

Methods of reform[edit]

Changing social conditions have led to increasing dissatisfaction with traditional Islamic law of divorce since the early 20th century. Various reforms have been undertaken in an attempt to restrict the husband’s right of unilateral repudiation and give women greater ability to initiate divorce.[27] These reforms have utilized a number of methods, of which the most important are:[27]

  • Selection among classical juristic opinions without restriction to a single legal school (takhayyur) during state law codification
  • Extending discretionary powers of the court
  • Administrative measures justified with reference to the classical doctrine of siyasa shar’iyya, which authorizes the ruler to enact policies in consideration of equity and expedience[28]
  • Imposition of penal sanctions
  • Modernistic interpretation of Quranic scriptures (sometimes called neo-ijtihad)
  • Appeal to the doctrine of public interest (maslaha)

The All India Muslim Personal Law Board issued a code of conduct in April 2017 regarding talaq in response to the controversy over the practice of triple talaq in India. It also warned that those who resort to triple talaq, or divorce recklessly, without justification or for reasons not prescribed under Shariat will be socially boycotted.[29][30]

In India, The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019 was passed in July, 2019 which made instant triple talaq (talaq-e-biddah) in any form — spoken, written, or by electronic means illegal, void, and punishable by up to three years imprisonment.[31] Under the new law, an aggrieved woman is entitled to demand maintenance for her dependent children.[32] India is among 23 countries that have banned triple talaq.[33]


According to Yossef Rapoport, in the 15th century, the rate of divorce was higher than it is today in the modern Middle East, which has generally low rates of divorce.[34] In 15th century EgyptAl-Sakhawi recorded the marital history of 500 women, the largest sample on marriage in the Middle Ages, and found that at least a third of all women in the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria married more than once, with many marrying three or more times. According to Al-Sakhawi, as many as three out of ten marriages in 15th century Cairo ended in divorce.[35] In the early 20th century, some villages in western Java and the Malay peninsula had divorce rates as high as 70%.[34]

See also[edit]


  1. Jump up to:a b c d Maaike Voorhoeve (2013). “Divorce. Modern Practice”The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Women. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 2017-02-04. Retrieved 2017-02-03.
  2. Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad Maaike Voorhoeve (2013). “Divorce. Historical Practice”The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Women. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 2017-02-04. Retrieved 2017-02-03.
  3. ^ Dehlvi, Ghulam Rasool (13 April 2017). “Triple talaq: Muslim law board should take cues from divorce rules in 22 ‘Islamic nations’, not delay reforms”FirstpostArchivedfrom the original on 2017-04-15. Retrieved 2017-04-14.
  4. Jump up to:a b c d e f Harald Motzki (2006). “Marriage and divorce”. In Jane Dammen McAuliffe (ed.). Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān3. Brill. p. 279.
  5. Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Abed Awad and Hany Mawla (2013). “Divorce. Legal Foundations”The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Women. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 2017-02-04. Retrieved 2017-02-03.
  6. Jump up to:a b c Harald Motzki (2006). “Marriage and divorce”. In Jane Dammen McAuliffe (ed.). Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān3. Brill. pp. 280–281.
  7. ^ O. Spies. “Mahr.” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Vol. 6, pp. 78-79.
  8. Jump up to:a b c d Knut S. Vikør (2014). “Sharīʿah”. In Emad El-Din Shahin (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Politics. Oxford University Press. Archived from the originalon 2017-02-02. Retrieved 2017-02-12.
  9. Jump up to:a b Wael B. Hallaq (2009). An Introduction to Islamic LawCambridge University Press. p. 9.
  10. ^ Hallaq (2009), pp. 11, 60-62.
  11. Jump up to:a b Elisa Giunchi (2013). Elisa Giunchi (ed.). From Jurists’ Ijtihad to Judicial Neo-Ijtihad: Some introductory observations. Adjudicating Family Law in Muslim Courts. Routledge. p. 4. Archived from the original on 2017-02-17. Retrieved 2017-02-12.
  12. ^ Hallaq (2009), pp. 11, 61.
  13. ^ Hallaq (2009), pp. 11, 64-65.
  14. ^ Hallaq (2009), pp. 65-66.
  15. ^ Vikør, Knut S. (2005). Between God and the Sultan: A History of Islamic Law. Oxford University Press. pp. 299–300.
  16. Jump up to:a b c d Wael B. Hallaq (2009). Sharī’a: Theory, Practice, Transformations. Cambridge University Press (Kindle edition). p. Loc. 7921–7950.
  17. Jump up to:a b c d e John L. Esposito, with Natana J. DeLong-Bas (2001). Women in Muslim Family Law (2nd ed.). Syracuse University Press. pp. 30–31.
  18. Jump up to:a b Hallaq (2009), pp. 66-67.
  19. Jump up to:a b Abd ar-Rahman I. Doi (2008). Shari’ah: Islamic Law (2nd ed.). Ta-Ha Publishers. p. 280.
  20. ^ Mohammed Hashim Kamali (2005). “Islamic Law: Personal Law”. In Lindsay Jones (ed.). Encyclopedia of Religion7 (2nd ed.). MacMillan Reference USA. p. 4708.
  21. Jump up to:a b John L. Esposito, ed. (2014). “Tafwid”The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 2016-08-17. Retrieved 2016-07-20.
  22. ^ Tijana Krstić (2009). “Conversion”. In Gábor Ágoston; Bruce Alan Masters (eds.). Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire. InfoBase Publishing.
  23. ^ Ghazala Anwar (2013). “Mahr”The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Women. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 2017-02-12. Retrieved 2017-02-12.
  24. ^ Sayyid Moustafa, al-Qazwini; Saleh, Fatma. “A New Perspective on Women in Islam”Al-IslamArchived from the original on 2017-02-11. Retrieved 2017-02-08.
  25. ^ Hallaq (2009), pp. 115.
  26. ^ Hallaq (2009), pp. 116.
  27. Jump up to:a b Schacht, J. and Layish, A. (2000). “Ṭalāḳ”. In P. Bearman; Th. Bianquis; C.E. Bosworth; E. van Donzel; W.P. Heinrichs (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam10 (2nd ed.). Brill. p. 155.
  28. ^ Felicitas Opwis (2014). “Siyāsah Sharʿīyah”. In Emad El-Din Shahin (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Politics. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 2017-02-12. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
  29. ^ Shaurya, Surabhi (17 April 2017). “Triple Talaq: All India Muslim Personal Law Board issues code of conduct; here’s what it says”India.comArchived from the original on 2017-04-21. Retrieved 2017-04-28.
  30. ^ Bajpai, Namita (16 April 2017). “All India Muslim Personal Law Board announces code of conduct for triple talaq”The New Indian ExpressArchived from the original on 2017-04-18. Retrieved 2017-04-29.
  31. ^ India criminalises Muslim practice of instant divorce. Al Jazeera English, 30 July 2019
  32. ^ “President Ram Nath Kovind gives assent to triple talaq Bill”The Hindu. 1 August 2019. Retrieved 2019-08-25.
  33. ^ “India’s Muslim neighbours among 23 countries that have banned triple talaq”Hindustan Times. 2018-09-19. Retrieved 2019-08-16.
  34. Jump up to:a b Rapoport, Yossef (2005). Marriage, Money and Divorce in Medieval Islamic SocietyCambridge University Press. p. 2. ISBN 0-521-84715-X.
  35. ^ Rapoport (2005) pp. 5–6.

External links[edit]

Posted in EducationComments Off on Divorce in Islam

Bolivia: World Leaders, Organizations Condemn Coup Against Evo Morales

Bolivia's President Evo Morales addresses the media next to Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera, at the presidential hangar in the Bolivian Air Force terminal, in El Alto, Bolivia November 9, 2019.

Bolivia in Crosshairs of US Counter-revolution

by teleSUR / Cindy Forster

“It’s Now or Never”: Bolivian Elite Destroying the Countr…

by Edu Montesanti

Western Progressives and Imperialist Inquisition

by Tortilla Con Sal

A Left Labour Gov’t Would Weaken Imperialism, Work for Pe…

by Carlos Martinez

Get our newsletter delivered directly to your inboxI have already subscribed | Do not show this message againVideos

Cuba’s government was also quick to reject the coup as President Miguel Diaz-Canel urged for “the world to mobilize for the life and freedom of Evo.”

World leaders and organizations expressed Sunday their solidarity with former Bolivian President Evo Morales under the hashtag #ElMundoconEvo (the World with Evo) and strongly condemned the right-wing coup which forced Morales to resign.

Bolivia: President Evo Morales Resigns Amid Right-Wing Coup

“I just heard that there was a coup d’état in Bolivia and that comrade Evo was forced to resign. It is unfortunate that Latin America has an economic elite that does not know how to live with democracy and the social inclusion of the poorest,” former Brazilian President and Leader of the Workers’ Party (PT) Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva said. 

The historic Brazilian leader’s message was echoed by Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro who “categorically condemned the consummated coup d’etat against the brother president Evo,” adding that “the social and political movements of the world declare mobilization to demand the preservation of the life of the Bolivian Indigenous people victims of racism.”

Cuba’s government was also quick to reject the coup as President Miguel Diaz-Canel urged for “the world to mobilize for the life and freedom of Evo.” Mexico’s President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador praised Morales’ decision to put the people first over his mandate.

This comes as Morales was forced to resign Sunday after senior army and police chiefs called on him to do so following weeks of right-wing unrest and violence against his Oct. 20 elections victory, in what his government has called a coup by opposition forces in the country. 

“I decided to resign from my position so that Carlos Mesa and Luis Camacho stop abusing and harming thousands of brothers … I have the obligation to seek peace and it hurts a lot that we face Bolivians,” the former president of Bolivia said in a press statement.

Alberto Fernández@alferdezReplying to @alferdez

El quiebre institucional en Bolivia es inaceptable. El pueblo boliviano debe escoger cuanto antes, en elecciones libres e informadas, a su próximo gobierno.9,07011:05 PM – Nov 10, 2019Twitter Ads info and privacy3,394 people are talking about thisArgentina’s President-elect Alberto Fernandez tweeted said that the “institutional breakdown in Bolivia is unacceptable. The Bolivian people must choose as soon as possible, in free and informed elections, their next government.

Bolivian Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera also said that he was resigning from his position. The two leaders said that they would be handing their resignation letters to the country’s National Assembly.

Soon after the president of the Senate also quit thus breaking the Constitutional line of succession. As the country plunges into further chaos, international solidarity continues to be shared for Morales and his government.

“To see Evo who, along with a powerful movement, has brought so much social progress forced from office by the military is appalling. I condemn this coup against the Bolivian people and stand with them for democracy, social justice, and independence,” British Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn tweeted Sunday.

Social movements and organizations also shared their messages of support and condemnation to the internationally repudiated coup in Bolivia. 

Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement energetically demanded “dictatorship never again,” as the called for the people to decide Bolivia’s future. While the Argentinian human rights movement of the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo sided with Morales’ and his former vice president. 

“We stand in solidarity with the people of Bolivia in these hours of suffering and demand the continuity of the transparent and unrestricted electoral process,” the progressive Group of Puebla issued a statement adding that they “demand that the International Human Rights Bodies guarantee the clarification of the acts of violence committed, the trial and punishment of those responsible, and the restoration of order, peace, social life, and democracy in Bolivia.”

Posted in BoliviaComments Off on Bolivia: World Leaders, Organizations Condemn Coup Against Evo Morales

Para el movimiento, juicio político es hoja de ruta a ninguna parte

By: Richard Becker

El conflicto cada vez más profundo sobre la destitución del presidente Donald Trump es una lucha entre facciones de la clase dominante capitalista y su aparato gubernamental. La lucha es fundamentalmente sobre qué lado ejercerá el control sobre el estado y el gobierno con todo el poder y la riqueza que confiere.

El anuncio de una investigación de juicio político fue realizado por la presidenta de la Cámara de Representantes, Nancy Pelosi, el 24 de septiembre. A raíz de la revelación de que se había presentado una queja de un informante con respecto a una llamada telefónica del 25 de julio entre Trump y el presidente de Ucrania. El informante fue identificado más tarde como un agente de la CIA, pero la queja se entiende ampliamente como un producto colectivo de numerosos agentes de inteligencia.

No hay un lado “progresista” en esta lucha. Como fue el caso de Nixon en 1974, la estructura misma de la acusación enfoca toda la atención en lo que está sucediendo dentro de los llamados “salones sagrados” del Congreso, relegando los movimientos populares al margen.

El régimen de Trump es descaradamente racista, sexista, homofóbico, antiinmigrante, anti-ambiental, anti-laboral, anti-indigente y más. Todos los días, los funcionarios de Trump llevan a cabo asaltos a los derechos de las personas ganadas con esfuerzo y al planeta mismo.

Sin embargo, en lugar de resistirse a estos ataques, el liderazgo del partido demócrata en el Congreso está centrando toda su energía en acusar a Trump, alegando que solicitó interferencia extranjera en las elecciones presidenciales de 2020. Los líderes demócratas ven esto como un tipo de línea de menor resistencia, y una que no requiere desafiar los intereses corporativos que están representados y financian a los dos principales partidos capitalistas.

Lo que realmente sucedió en la llamada telefónica

En una llamada telefónica del 25 de julio con el recientemente elegido presidente de Ucrania, Volodymyr Zelensky, Trump se queja primero de que los países de la Unión Europea no están haciendo lo suficiente para ayudar a Ucrania mientras Estados Unidos brinda apoyo. Luego sugiere que Zelensky ayude en una investigación de Crowdstrike, la compañía privada de seguridad cibernética que le dijo al FBI que fueron los rusos quienes piratearon los servidores del Comité Nacional del Partido Demócrata en 2016.

Desde que el informe Mueller se publicó en agosto de 2019 y concluyó que no había evidencia de conspiración entre la campaña Trump 2016 y Rusia, tanto Trump como el Fiscal General William Barr se han embarcado en una campaña internacional para descubrir los orígenes del engaño de colusión Rusia-Trump. La transcripción de la llamada telefónica de Trump-Zelensky publicada por la Casa Blanca el 25 de septiembre muestra que Trump le dijo a Zelensky: “Sin embargo, me gustaría que nos hicieras un favor porque nuestro país ha pasado por mucho y Ucrania sabe mucho al respecto. Me gustaría que descubrieras qué sucedió con toda esta situación con Ucrania, dicen que Crowdstrike … Supongo que tienes una de tus personas ricas … El servidor, dicen que Ucrania lo tiene”.

Después de preguntar sobre Crowdstrike, Trump le pide a Zelensky que lo ayude en una investigación sobre Hunter Biden y su padre, el ex vicepresidente Joe Biden. “La otra cosa, se habla mucho sobre el hijo de Biden, que Biden detuvo el enjuiciamiento [relacionado con la corporación que le dio a Hunter Biden un asiento en su junta directiva – ed.] Y mucha gente quiere averiguar sobre eso, así que cualquier cosa que puedas hacer con el Fiscal General sería genial. Biden se jactó de haber detenido la acusación, así que si puedes verlo … Me parece horrible”.

Los demócratas decidieron lanzar una investigación formal de juicio político contra Trump, en vísperas de una elección presidencial, basada en esta llamada.

Los demócratas no se opusieron cuando Trump estaba torciendo el brazo, intimidando y amenazando a otros jefes de estado para que dejaran de comprar petróleo de Irán o reconocieran al gobierno electo de Venezuela o importaran gas natural de Rusia. Pero se nos dice que su “intimidación” de Zelensky constituye un abuso de autoridad intolerable e impecable. Es un abuso de autoridad, pero también lo fueron las operaciones encubiertas y abiertas de la Administración de Obama para derrocar al gobierno elegido democráticamente en Ucrania en 2014.

La solicitud de Trump de una investigación de la conducta de los Biden en Ucrania es claramente un abuso de autoridad, pero no es probable que conduzca a la expulsión de Trump, salvo revelaciones más explosivas. Si Trump fuera acusado por un voto mayoritario en la Cámara de Representantes, se enfrentaría a un juicio ante el Senado. Allí, una mayoría de dos tercios, 67 senadores, tendrían que votar por la condena. Hay 53 senadores republicanos y 47 demócratas en la actualidad.

Trump, los Biden y Ucrania

En su conversación telefónica del 25 de julio con Zelensky, Trump habló al estilo de un gobernante imperial que aborda un tema colonial. El sujeto adulaba poderosamente, elogiaba generosamente al gobernante y le aseguraba que se había quedado en la Torre Trump cuando estaba en Nueva York.

¿Cómo se convirtió el gobierno de Kiev, a 5.000 millas de Washington D.C., en una dependencia estadounidense?

La verdadera respuesta, completamente ausente de la cobertura de los medios de comunicación, es una acusación desgarradora de Biden y otros agentes del aparato de seguridad nacional durante la administración Obama por crímenes en Ucrania que superaron con creces los “conflictos de intereses” o la intimidación.

En febrero de 2014, el personal del Departamento de Estado trabajó junto con elementos fascistas de extrema derecha para derrocar al presidente electo de Ucrania, Viktor Yanukovich, después de meses de manifestaciones cada vez más violentas en Kiev, la capital ucraniana. El “crimen” de Yanukovich buscaba mantener una posición neutral entre Rusia y las potencias imperialistas occidentales, una posición que era completamente inaceptable para Washington.

Estados Unidos estaba tratando de continuar la marcha hacia el este de la OTAN trayendo a Ucrania. Muchos antiguos países socialistas de Europa del Este y repúblicas soviéticas ya se habían incorporado a la alianza liderada por Estados Unidos, pero agregar Ucrania habría sido de particular importancia, ya que las bases y misiles de la OTAN estaban muy cerca del corazón occidental de Rusia.

La “comandante” estadounidense en la operación de cambio de régimen fue la subsecretaria de Estado Victoria Nuland, que trabajó estrechamente con el entonces embajador estadounidense en Ucrania, Geoffrey Pyatt. Nuland se jactó abiertamente de que Estados Unidos había gastado $5 mil millones para traer la “democracia” a Ucrania. Nombrado para supervisar el golpe y sus secuelas en nombre del presidente Obama no fue otro que su vicepresidente, Joe Biden.

A continuación se presentan extractos de una llamada telefónica grabada entre Nuland y Pyatt, unas semanas antes del golpe que tuvo lugar el 24 de febrero de 2014. El tema de la llamada fue a quién Washington estaba seleccionando para ser el nuevo líder de Ucrania después del golpe planificado.

Victoria Nuland: ¿Qué te parece?

Geoffrey Pyatt: Creo que estamos en juego. La pieza de Klitschko [Vitaly Klitschko, uno de los tres principales líderes de la oposición] es obviamente el electrón complicado aquí. Especialmente el anuncio de él como viceprimer ministro y has visto algunas de mis notas sobre los problemas en el matrimonio en este momento, por lo que estamos tratando de obtener una lectura realmente rápida sobre dónde está en estas cosas. Pero creo que tu argumento con él, que tendrá que hacer, creo que esa es la próxima llamada telefónica que tienes que configurar, es exactamente la que le hiciste a Yats [Arseniy Yatseniuk, otro líder de la oposición]. Y me alegro de que lo hayas presionado sobre dónde se encaja en este escenario. Y estoy muy contento de que él haya dicho lo que dijo en respuesta.

Nuland: Bien. No creo que Klitsch deba ir al gobierno. No creo que sea necesario, no creo que sea una buena idea.

Pyatt: Si. Supongo que … en términos de que no vaya al gobierno, simplemente déjelo quedarse afuera y hacer su tarea política y esas cosas. Sólo estoy pensando en términos del tipo de proceso que avanzamos, queremos mantener unidos a los demócratas moderados. El problema será Tyahnybok [Oleh Tyahnybok, el otro líder de la oposición, un neonazi] y sus muchachos y estoy seguro de que eso es parte de lo que [el presidente Viktor] Yanukovych está calculando sobre todo esto.

Nuland: [Interrumpe] Creo que Yats [Arseniy Yatseniuk] es el tipo que tiene la experiencia económica, la experiencia de gobierno. Él es el … lo que necesita es Klitsch y Tyahnybok en el exterior. Necesita hablar con ellos cuatro veces a la semana, ya sabes. Creo que Klitsch entrará … va a estar a ese nivel trabajando para Yatseniuk, simplemente no va a funcionar.

Con respecto al intento de la Unión Europea, un “aliado” de Estados Unidos, de negociar el fin del estancamiento en Kiev, Nuland dice: “F___ la UE”. Escuche la grabación aquí. 

Después del golpe y con el respaldo de los Estados Unidos, Yatseniuk se convirtió en el nuevo presidente de Ucrania.

Biden continuó desempeñando un papel clave en el país después del golpe. En agosto de 2016, describió a la revista Atlantic cómo eliminó el equivalente al Fiscal General del país un año antes:

“Describió, por ejemplo, una reunión con el presidente de Ucrania, Petro Poroshenko, a quien llama ‘Petro’, en la que instó a Poroshenko a despedir a un fiscal general corrupto o ver la retirada de un préstamo prometido de $1 mil millones a Ucrania. ‘Petro, no estás recibiendo tus mil millones de dólares’, recuerda Biden que le dijo. “’Está bien, puedes quedarte con el [fiscal] general. Sólo entienda, no pagaremos si lo hace”. Poroshenko despidió al funcionario’”

Pocos meses después del golpe de estado de 2014, el hijo de Biden, Hunter, fue agregado a la junta directiva de una importante compañía de gas ucraniana, Burisma, en la que “sirvió” durante los próximos cinco años. A pesar de no tener experiencia en la industria energética ni en Ucrania, Hunter Biden recibió $50,000 por mes. Renunció a la junta cuando su padre anunció su candidatura presidencial en 2018.

A medida que la crisis de juicio político se calienta, la administración Trump y los demócratas se acusan mutuamente de corrupción. Ambos tienen razón.

Así como las audiencias de juicio político de Nixon en 1974 convirtieron a los segregacionistas de toda la vida como el senador Sam Ervin de Carolina del Norte en héroes para los liberales, las audiencias de juicio político de Trump ya están teniendo un efecto similar. Ahora los reaccionarios están siendo elevados como Adam Schiff, el presidente del Comité de Inteligencia de la Cámara de Representantes, un firme defensor de Israel, la guerra de Irak, la guerra entre Estados Unidos y Arabia Saudita en Yemen, el bloqueo y la prohibición de viajar a Cuba, la CIA, la NSA, etc. Lo improbable (salvo la revelación de nuevas revelaciones explosivas) de una condena de Trump provocaría la elevación del reaccionario de la extrema derecha Mike Pence, a la presidencia.

Para el movimiento popular, la acusación ofrece solamente un callejón sin salida.

Posted in USA, UkraineComments Off on Para el movimiento, juicio político es hoja de ruta a ninguna parte

Helping Students Keep Their Humanity by Not Signing Up for War

We Are Not Your Soldiers brings exposure of imperial wars to a generation of youth largely unaware of the crimes being carried out throughout the world in their names.

by: Stephanie Rugoff

 As awareness and activism grows among young people around the climate crisis, immigration, racism, gun violence and the Trump administration, we show the connections between these issues and U.S. wars. (Photo: via EuroYankee)

As awareness and activism grows among young people around the climate crisis, immigration, racism, gun violence and the Trump administration, we show the connections between these issues and U.S. wars. (Photo: via EuroYankee)

On this Veterans Day, 2019, for the United States, making war is less about amassing human air, land and sea forces to attack “the enemy” as it is increasingly about amassing technological superiority in which machines replace humans enabling politicians and corporate bosses to pursue their goals without the pesky problem of waves of homeward-bound body bags and caskets.

Yet, the Pentagon was confronted with the obstacle of conscience being applied to technological research in mid-2018 when Google employees protested working on Project Maven, a program that would use artificial intelligence to assist in drone killing, causing Google to drop Maven. Tech workers at Amazon and Microsoft have also protested working on technology that supports repression and killing.

While work on Maven has been picked up by another firm and Amazon and Microsoft leadership have apparently felt free to ignore the pleas of their workers these protests illustrate the increasing power of individuals to throw monkey wrenches into the gears of the war machine.

Hence, the increasing importance of the task of educating all students on the consequences of war, whether or not they plan to join the military. 

This is what We Are Not Your Soldiers has been doing for 13 years by bringing veterans into classrooms. Being knowledgeable of the realities of fighting in or, by inertia, supporting the wrong side of imperialist wars can lead to people speaking and acting in opposition to them.

Veterans Dialogue With Students About U.S. Wars

During 2018-19, all We Are Not Your Soldiers visits were in New York State, including:

  • Four colleges in New York City
  • Seven NYC high schools – from very traditional to very non-traditional
  • A progressive NYC public middle school
  •  A NY State church social action program whose members are primarily immigrant youth

Speaking to:

  • 17 college classes
  • 41 high school classes (including one JROTC class)
  • Four middle school classes 
  • One church youth group

… averaging out to deep discussions with approximately 1,600-1,700 students. 

A teacher from one of the schools messaged us: “Just wanted to thank you again for spending a truly engaging, thought-provoking day with us. The work you do is incredibly vital for young people like my students, all of whom were enthusiastic, moved and grateful in their responses when I asked them for their thoughts on your visit in class the next day.  I’m constantly trying to raise consciousness (and consciences…), but it is often a tough uphill trek, so I’m happy to have your help in the mission. I would love to have you back next year to meet a new batch of students! In the meantime, please keep doing the work you’re doing — I know how exhausting it is but I promise you it is worth it!”

Our Speakers

Miles Megaciph, a spoken word artist, tells the story of his time in the Marines, in Guantanamo and Okinawa, via hip-hop. Lyle Rubin, who served as a Marine lieutenant, focuses on several key incidents during his time in Afghanistan.  John Burns, a former Army bomb technician, enlisted to save lives not to be turned into a robot. Will Griffin, a veteran of both Iraq and Afghanistan, was just elected to the board of About Face (formerly Iraq Veterans Against the War).

If Vietnam is being studied,  Joe Urgo, an Air Force Vietnam veteran who had been a principal organizer of the Winter Soldier Investigation, speaks. Bruce Dancis, a Vietnam resister who spent 19 months in federal prison, also speaks.

Our messages

The veterans share their own personal stories of how they were affected by their time in the military, bringing another vision of these wars in which so many have been sacrificed by losing their lives and/or their humanity. And, they address the effects on the peoples of the countries under attack and what has happened when social structures have been destroyed. Not many veterans can do this.

Speaking openly of such experiences is very difficult and can open raw wounds –  which is why even those students with veterans in their family or close circles have not heard much of what comes out in these discussions. Many veterans confront either denial or shame in revealing information contrary to the beliefs of those who “thank them for their service,” an issue for so many dealing with post-traumatic stress.

We are very grateful to these speakers who share their lives.  They struggle to do this in order to help others avoid the trauma they have suffered and to avoid the horrific violence being aimed at so many others around the world.

We Are Not Your Soldiers brings this exposure of imperial wars to a generation of youth largely unaware of the crimes being carried out throughout the world in their names. As awareness and activism grows among young people around the climate crisis, immigration, racism, gun violence and the Trump administration, we show the connections between these issues and U.S. wars.

We emphasize students don’t have to believe us any more than they have to believe media advertising or the recruiters who approach them. They need to investigate on their own, researching conflicting claims to be able to get a true grasp on reality. Students ask questions and state their own opinions and thoughts. As a retired teacher with long-term experience in the New York City school system, I work with educators to align the presentation with their curriculum and be as relevant as possible to the needs of their students.

One student wrote: “Thank you for coming to our school. I appreciate that you shared your experience with us. It opened my eyes about the military because I didn’t know any of the stuff you shared with us. Your story made me realize how cruel the military can be. Also, you’re brave and kind-hearted for thinking about other people’s lives.”

Sometimes, we show students “Collateral Murder,” footage released by Chelsea Manning via Wikileaks of the US helicopter killing of Reuters journalists and others in Baghdad,  or excerpts from “Unmanned,” a feature film about the moral quandary of a drone pilot stationed in the United States. After watching “Collateral Murder” students in a JROTC class asked, “Why did they kill children?” “Why did they talk about people in Iraq in such a messed up way?”

Morality is a key word or core idea we always introduce for students to consider throughout the presentation and discussion – knowing the difference between right and wrong and what to do when you know that something is wrong.

Coming to your school

If you are an educator, a student or a parent, invite us to your school. If you are a parent or simply a concerned citizen, approach local principals, guidance counselors or teachers about the importance of their students hearing all sides of the story so they can make wise decisions of what to do upon graduation. We encourage you to visit our website and follow our Facebook page.

We offer the We Are Not Your Soldiers presentations free of charge. Your donations keep us going. 

We are scheduling visits for our We Are Not Your Soldiers tour for the fall 2019 semester. Call us at 646-807-3259 or email We will arrange to be at your school no matter where you are located — we can do “distance” visits via Skype or Zoom.

Posted in USAComments Off on Helping Students Keep Their Humanity by Not Signing Up for War

Shoah’s pages


November 2019
« Oct   Dec »