Archive | July 10th, 2020

Nazi entity is a settler colony, annexing native land is what it does

‘Israel’ is a settler colony, annexing native land is what it does

Since its early days of colonising Palestine, the Zionist movement has always aimed to establish a Greater Israel.

by Mark Muhannad Ayyash

A Palestinian man stands in front of Israeli forces during a protest against Israeli settlements in the Israeli-occupied West Bank on February 25, 2020 [File: Reuters/Raneen Sawafta]
A Palestinian man stands in front of Israeli forces during a protest against Israeli settlements in the Israeli-occupied West Bank on February 25, 2020 [File: Reuters/Raneen Sawafta]

The international rejection of Israel’s plan to formally annex even more Palestinian land is based on two arguments: the annexation is a violation of international law and it defeats the prospects of a two-state solution.

The world view of this international consensus underscores as problematic the lack of a reciprocal dialogue between the sides, their inability to compromise and the unilateral actions that inhibit peace efforts. At the same time, it foregrounds conventional peace-building processes that emphasise mutual recognition as well as economic and security cooperation.

There is basically a belief in the international community that universal international laws and norms can facilitate a just outcome to the conflict with two independent states living side by side.

This world view is operating in a diplomatic space that has lost all connection to the realities that ordinary Palestinians face. The Palestinian losses are much more serious than is conventionally suggested in the “save the two-state solution before it is too late” type of thinking.

It is already a very late hour for the prospects of Palestinian freedom and sovereignty. A different lens must, therefore, be adopted, which first and foremost underscores the logic that underlies the Israeli state – settler-colonialism.

A settler colony

Academics have debated for decades whether Israel constitutes a settler colony, and following the arguments of leading scholars such as Joseph Massad, Rashid Khalidi, Noura Erakat, Ilan Pappe, Hamid Dabashi and Robert Wolfe (among others), the answer is convincing: Israel is the product of a national settler-colonial project.

So, what makes a settler colony a settler colony? The answer to this question cannot be reduced to specific characteristics but must instead be sought in a general principle. Simply put: all settler colonies constitute a continuous process of land annexation, whereby native inhabitants are removed and settlers from elsewhere are brought to occupy the land.

To be sure, all modern nation-states have annexed land in certain respects, but the settler-colonial state’s distinguishing feature is that it does not come into being and cannot continue to exist without claiming sovereignty over land that is forcefully taken from its native inhabitants. In short, the settler colony can only claim its sovereignty through the eradication and erasure of native sovereignty.

The methods of annexation certainly vary, but this variety should not detract us from naming and highlighting their underlying logic: the expulsion of native people from their lands. This is the core problem of the Palestinian-Israeli struggle. And nowhere is this logic more visible than in the expansion of settlements on occupied Palestinian lands.

Settlements and the Israeli state

Not all, but the majority of arguments that emphasise international law and the peace process are based on the dubious assumption that Israel is interested in seeing a Palestinian state established along the 1967 borders. But Israeli policies have clearly shown that is not their goal or aspiration.

The list is long but among those policies are the long-held policy of annexing East Jerusalem; the building of the apartheid wall; the siege on Gaza, separating Palestinian land into non-contiguous units; the constant imprisonment of Palestinians under the charge of being political; the occupation and the checkpoints that make life impossible for ordinary Palestinians, hence encouraging their emigration; the de-development of the Palestinian economy; the policy of home demolitions; the discriminatory policies against Palestinian citizens of Israel that deny them the ability to purchase and lease land; and the non-ending stream of Israeli government permits to build more settlements and expand existing ones.  

It is important to take a moment and reflect on the last point. For decades, settler movements and the settlers have been expelling and replacing native Palestinians from more and more Palestinian lands. In much of what passes as intellectual diplomatic discourse in North America and Western Europe, these settlers are presented as divorced from the Israeli state and even painted as a burden on the Israeli state.

This occurs even when Israeli policy is directly tied to the expansion of settlements. In 2016, for example, then-Secretary of State John Kerry claimed, “Let’s be clear. Settlement expansion has nothing to do with Israel’s security. Many settlements actually increase the security burden on the Israeli defence forces and leaders of the settler movement are motivated by ideological imperatives that entirely ignore legitimate Palestinian aspirations.”

And when he was not divorcing the ideology of the settlement leaders from the ideology of the state, Kerry made sure to present the settlements as a side issue, and not the core of the problem: “Let me emphasise, this is not to say that the settlements are the whole or even the primary cause of this conflict, of course they are not. Nor can you say that if the settlements were suddenly removed, you’d have peace without a broader agreement. You would not.”

Versions of this discourse are repeated ad nauseam in the diplomatic arena, all of which misses (purposely or not) the crucial point that these settlers are not ideologically opposed to the state, but are rather a mirror for the foundation of the Israeli state revealed in its naked form.

The main difference is that these settlers act without the sophisticated rhetoric that hides and conceals the violence of the settler colony. They do not hide their intention to remove Palestinians and expand the state that is to come, the state of Greater Israel.

Since the early 20th century, the Zionist movement has longed for the creation of a Greater Israel, but it has been savvy enough to hide and conceal its intentions, especially in the international arena.

As Benny Morris put it in his famous book The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, “[Zionist leader David] Ben-Gurion, a pragmatist, from 1937 on, was willing (at least outwardly) to accept partition and the establishment of a Jewish state in only part of the country. In effect, he remained committed to a vision of Jewish sovereignty over all of Palestine as the ultimate goal of Zionism, to be attained by stages.”

The current relation between the state and the settlers is, thus, not one of opposition or nuisance, but one between a force that expands (the settlers) and a force that makes possible but hides the violence of the expansion (the state). And at the opportune moment, provided in this case through the Trump administration’s unwavering support for Israel, the state becomes one with the settlers out in the open and officially expands.

The annexation plan is nothing more than the state’s turn to claim sovereignty over what the settlers have already annexed. And they are able to annex precisely because the state makes that possible through its occupation of Palestinian land.

And this cycle will not stop. The settlers will continue to expand and annex with the aid of the state, until such time that the state can officially announce the reality of their fusion with the settlers, taking even more land.

As far as the Israelis are concerned, time is on their side, and they can patiently proceed stage by stage.

Empty words

The latest round of international reactions will predictably change nothing for the Palestinian people. International law will flag the violation against its rules, words of “condemnation” will fill the air, analysts and commentators will discuss the “strength” of these words in comparison to past statements, and Palestinian land will continue to be stolen.

Palestinian lives will continue to be threatened with death, injury, debilitation, occupation, oppression and expulsion while the world watches and pronounces empty words.

These words do not carry any consequence that can give them meaning, depth, and force. They are part of the diplomatic routine, which gives the feeling that something is being done, that the world is watching closely and that the world is concerned for Palestine.

This chimera of an act ends up sustaining the status quo and ensures that nothing consequential is ever undertaken. The very emptiness of these words thus becomes another weapon that enables annexation.

Many ordinary Palestinians have understood this situation for some time: the cavalry is not coming – not from the Arab world, not from the UN and not from international law. And in their absence, those international institutions and states show themselves as part of the problem, not the solution.

Israeli settler colonialism will not rest until the majority of the Palestinians are removed and expelled, and all of the Palestinian lands are under Israeli sovereignty, just as Ben-Gurion envisioned.

Israel cannot tolerate the idea of Palestinian sovereignty, let alone its implementation because the erasure of Palestinian sovereignty is part and parcel of the underlying logic of the settler colony. As a result, regardless of how much land Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ally, Defence Minister Benny Gantz actually annex this year, this episode will be neither the first nor will it be the last.

The settler colony, secured in its power after the founding violence, often plays a long game. But despite the scantest of hopes of ever gaining their freedom and sovereignty, the Palestinians will continue to stand, more or less, alone in their long and historic resistance.

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Nazi Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

Israel Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

Jordan is being forced to confront a new reality with alarming cartographic and demographic consequences

By Emile Badarin

More than any other Arab state, Jordan’s past, present and future are inextricably linked to the question of Palestine. Jordan’s emergence is an outcome of British imperialism, which imposed the infamous Balfour Declaration and the Zionist settler-colonial project on the indigenous population of Palestine and the region. 

Settler-colonialism is the essence of the question of Palestine. All else is derivative. Jordan emerged out of this historical reality, and therefore, its present and future will always be subject to it.

The founder of present-day Jordan, Emir Abdullah bin Al-Hussein, successfully carved a new sovereign space in Transjordan. But this was only possible because of his cooperation with British imperialism and “collusion” with Zionist settler-colonialism. This tacit relationship resulted in mutual restraint between Jordan and Israel, even during their direct military confrontations.

National security interest

In 1994, Jordan and Israel signed the Wadi Araba peace treaty, turning their tacit understandings and secretive relationship into an official peace between the two countries – even if an unpopular one. This peace treaty would have been inconceivable without the 1993 Oslo Accord and the implied promise of Israel’s withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, which were occupied in 1967 from Jordan and Egypt respectively, to establish an independent Palestinian state.

Land repatriation and Palestinian statehood hold a high national security interest for Jordan. Only the achievement of these two conditions can halt the border elasticity of the Israeli state and its expansion eastwards, which poses grave geographic and demographic threats to the Hashemite kingdom.

Besides the strategic significance, a Palestinian state would allow a substantial number of Palestinian refugees displaced in 1967 to return to the West Bank, in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 237.

Yet, not only have neither of the two conditions been realised, but regional and international political dynamics have changed since 1994. In Israel, the political landscape has dramatically shifted to the far right, fuelling the settler-colonial practice of creating “facts on the ground” that make the prospect of Palestinian statehood and self-determination via the “peace process” a remote fantasy.

The political and material developments on the ground are complemented by complex regional and international dynamics. In particular, the Trump administration has taken a new approach towards most international conflicts, especially in the Middle East.

The Trump-Netanyahu plan (aka “the deal of century”) for Israel-Palestine promotes Israeli colonisation/annexation of the West Bank and sovereignty over the entirety of historic Palestine, as well as the Syrian Golan Heights.

Shifting geopolitics

Even worse for Jordanians and Palestinians, this plan enjoys the support of influential Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which have stepped up their political rapprochement and normalisation with Israel.If Israel Annexes Part of West Bank, Palestine “Will Declare Statehood on 1967 Borders”

The EU, a staunch supporter and sponsor of the so-called peace process and two-state solution, failed not only to reach a common position on the US plan, but also to condemn Israel’s plans to officially annex any part of the West Bank.

Amid the changing international and regional politics, Jordan’s alliance with the US and EU has been a letdown. Jordan has become a victim of its own foreign and security policy, which has grown interlinked with the US and, more recently, the EU.

While half of this alliance, the US, is promoting Israel’s annexation and sovereignty over Palestine, the other half, the EU, is unwilling to act decisively.

The annexation is planned to take place while the entire world, including Jordanians and Palestinians, and the media are exhausted by the coronavirus pandemic. It provides the needed distraction for Israel to complete the annexation quietly, without effective local and international scrutiny and resistance.

Covid-19 has further entrenched the nationalist-driven trend in the Middle East. Even before the outbreak, the Arab world was consumed by domestic concerns, showing few qualms about the Trump-Netanyahu plan or recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over Jerusalem and the Golan Heights.

Israeli expansionism

The feeble Arab (including Palestinian and Jordanian) and international response to the US recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and the relocation of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, has encouraged Israel and the US to press ahead and turn Israel’s de facto sovereignty over all of Palestine into de jure.

While this is all illegal under international law, it is a mistake to believe that empirical reality and time will not deflect, strain and fractureinternational law and legality.

Since 1967, the Israeli strategy has pivoted on two parallel components: empirical colonisation on the ground, coupled with the facade of a “peace and negotiations” public relations campaign to obfuscate the settler-colonial structure and market it to the international community, as well as Arab regimes.

With this strategy, Israel has expanded in the region both territorially, by de facto taking over Arab land, and politically, through overt and covert relations with most of the Arab states.

Only formal territorial annexation and gradual de-Palestinisation remains. The formal annexation of the West Bank, especially the Jordan Valley, officially torpedoes the century-old Jordanian foreign and security strategy of cooperation with its imperial patrons (Britain, then the US) and the Zionist movement, which evolved into a Jordanian-Israeli peace with an expected Palestinian buffer state between the two.

Another ethnic cleansing

It also puts Jordan face-to-face with a new reality with alarming cartographic and demographic consequences. The chances of another ethnic cleansing become a palpable prospect under the formulae of official annexation and a Jewish statehood in the entirety of Palestine, as articulated in the 2018 nation-state law meant to ensure a Jewish majority.

This is very much tied in with Jordanian fears grounded in previous (1948, 1967) and current experiences of forced migration in the Middle East. Against this backdrop, another ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, forcing a large number of Palestinians to flee to Jordan, is a real possibility. The transfer and elimination of Palestinians from Palestine are embedded in the settler-colonial structure of the Israeli state, which looks at Jordan as their alternative homeland.

While another population flow would be catastrophic for Palestinians, it would also adversely affect Jordan’s stability and future.

Beyond annexation, the Hashemite regime is witnessing a contestation of its custodianship of the Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem, which constitute a significant source of legitimacy for the regime. Even on this matter, the US plan unequivocally appoints Israel as the “custodian of Jerusalem”.

After five decades, Israel’s grip over and presence in the West Bank is ubiquitous and entrenched. Most of the West Bank is empirically annexed and Judaised, especially the Jordan Valley, Greater Jerusalem, parts of Hebron and Gush Etzion. The pretence of the peace process and negotiations has thus become superfluous.

‘Considering all options’ 

Only against this background may one understand the depth of the trepidations that underlie the warning of King Abdullah II that the Israeli annexation will trigger a “massive conflict” with Jordan and that he is “considering all options” in response.

This warning does not reveal a strategy to respond to what constitutes a “direct threat to Jordan’s sovereignty and independence”, as the former foreign minister of Jordan, Marwan Muasher, put it.

It displays, however, the difficult decisions that have to be taken. Indeed, King Hussein was prepared to discontinue the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty had Israel refused to supply the antidote for the poison its agents had used in an attempt to assassinate Khaled Meshaal, the former head of Hamas, in 1997. It remains to be seen whether the termination or suspension of this treaty and the realignment of alliances are currently options for Jordan.

The Jordanian response to Covid-19 has generated a unique, popular rally around the state – a perfect opportunity to conduct serious reforms to stamp out corruption and involve citizens in the decision-making process, in order to forge a nationally grounded response to Israel’s planned annexation of the West Bank.

Historically, the survival of the Hashemite kingdom has been at stake several times. But today, Jordan finds itself in an unprecedented political, security, economic and health emergency.

Whatever domestic, economic and foreign-policy decisions – or indecisions – that Jordan takes are likely to leave a long-lasting mark on the future of Jordan and the question of Palestine. Such existential decisions must be collective, with broader national consensus and real citizen participation.

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UK Commits ‘Highway Robbery’ of Venezuelan Gold, Says Academic

By Johanna Ross

When it comes to Venezuela, Britain is suffering from split personality disorder. While the UK Foreign Office reportedly maintains ‘full, normal and reciprocal diplomatic relations’ with legitimately elected President Maduro’s government, and with Maduro’s UK ambassador, the British government has been actively supporting the self-appointed US-backed ‘leader’ Juan Guaido, who led the coup against Maduro in 2019.

Last week the High Court in London ruled that Juan Guaido was ‘unequivocally’ recognised as the President of Venezuela. There’s just one problem with the ruling however: Juan Guaido isn’t the President. He may have tried hard; he talked the talk, and walked the walk (clearly modelling himself on a cross between Justin Trudeau and Emmanuel Macron, with sleeves rolled up like Barack Obama). He had just the right youthful, liberal image to front the US led regime change campaign in the South American nation. But last year’s coup, supported by the US and Colombia, dramatically backfired after the Venezuelan military refused to back him.

Nevertheless, it has been in the British government’s interest to prop up the would-be Venezuelan leader. The High Court’s verdict was in a case brought to the court by Maduro’s government, which is trying to access $1bn of its gold currently held by the Bank of England. It’s pretty straightforward – the bank doesn’t want to pay out, and is using Maduro’s ‘contested’ leadership as a reason not to do so. Suddenly it matters that Maduro’s presidency is questionable, never mind the fact that he was democratically re-elected in 2018.

Juan Guaido claims that the funds from the Bank of England gold would be used to ‘prop up the regime’, while the Venezuelan government has insisted that the money would go towards managing the coronavirus pandemic. Maduro has even said that once the gold is sold the money will be transferred to the UN Development Programme. In any case, the reason seems irrelevant; when was the last time you or I had to justify a withdrawal from our own bank accounts?

I spoke recently to the National Secretary of the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign and senior lecturer at the University of Middlesex, Dr Francisco Dominguez, who said to me that the move by the High Court to block the transfer of Venezuelan gold constituted nothing more than ‘highway robbery’ and he condemned the UK’s use of Guaido in this case as a ‘legal device to steal Venezuela’s assets’. He stated:Give Venezuela Back Its Gold: Case Goes to London Court

‘It is abundantly clear the UK’s recognition of Guaido’s farcical “interim presidency” has nothing to do with “democracy” or “human rights” but with “colonial pillage”.  After all, there is nothing democratic or decent about Guaido: he colludes with Colombian narco-traffickers; he attempted a violent coup d’etat’; contracted US mercenaries to assassinate President Maduro and several Venezulean government high officials, vigorously promotes sanctions and aggression against his own nation, and he reeks of corruption.’

Dr Dominguez also pointed to direct collusion of the UK government with Guaido, as was recently uncovered by a British journalist. Newly obtained documents, exposed by John McEvoy, have recently shed light on the murky connection between the British government and the aspiring Venezuelan president. It was uncovered that a Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) Unit named the Venezuela Reconstruction Unit has been created which has not been officially acknowledged by either country. In the documents it was revealed that  Juan Guaidó’s representative in the UK, Vanessa Neumann, had spoken with FCO officials about the sustenance of British business interests in Venezuela’s ‘reconstruction’. A conversation of this nature obviously stinks of regime change, given the fact Venezuela sits on the largest proven oil reserves in the world, and that Neumann has previously links to oil companies. Britain is placing its stake in Venezuela’s demise.

Formally the UK government has a different position. In relation to Venezuela’s gold, former Treasury Minister Robert Jenrick said back in 2019 in response to the parliamentary question ‘what the legal basis was for the Bank of England’s decision to freeze approximately 1125 gold bars stored by the Venezuelan central bank in November 2018.’, that it was a ‘matter for the Bank of England’. Jenrick maintained that HM Treasury only has direct control over the UK government’s own holdings of gold within its official reserves, which are held at the Bank of England.’

However the facts paint a different picture. John Bolton’s White House memoir The Room Where It Happened’ reveals that UK Foreign Secretary at the time, Jeremy Hunt ‘was delighted to freeze Venezuelan gold deposits in the Bank of England so the regime could not sell the gold to keep itself going.’  As Bolton unashamedly admitted: ‘These were the sort of steps we were already applying to pressure Maduro financially.’ The former National Security Advisor relates in his book how proud he was to have been the driving force behind the 2019 power grab: ‘I was heartened that Maduro’s government promptly accused me of leading a coup’. Bolton openly describes how they discussed ways of delegitimizing the Venezuelan government as Trump reportedly said ‘Maybe it’s time to put Maduro out of business’.

The evidence suggests that the UK complied fully in Bolton’s masterplan to unseat Maduro, and is continuing to work with the US to undermine the Venezuelan leadership; only in truly subtle British fashion, surreptitiously, hoping no-one would notice. Who knows, when, if ever, the Venezuelans will see their gold. But you can be sure they won’t be investing with the Bank of England any time soon.

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The Nazi regime Fully Responsible for Death of Palestinian Al-Gharabli

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The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR): On Wednesday, 08 July 2020, Palestinian detained in Nazi Camp for the past 26 years, Sa’di Khalil al-Gharabli (47) from Gaza City, was pronounced dead in Kaplan Medical Center where he was recently transferred from al-Ramlah prison after his health condition deteriorated. Al-Gharabli suffered prostate cancer, high blood pressure, and diabetes, which he developed while in prison.

The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) holds the Nazi occupation forces (NOF) responsibility for the death of al-Gharabli, who has been detained since 1994 and sentenced to life imprisonment; and expresses it deep concern that the Nazi regime delayed providing al-Gharabli with timely and adequate medical treatment. PCHR also condemns the Nazi regime disregard of the repeated calls for his release as is standard in such humanitarian cases, despite their knowledge of the deterioration of his health. Al-Gharabli was left to die in prison despite his age and having spent a very long period in prison.

PCHR communicated with al-Gharabli’s family after contradictory news about his death emerged the previous day due to the deterioration of his health condition. Accordingly, PCHR’s lawyer attempted to visit al-Gharabli in Kaplan Medical Center, but the hospital administration informed him that he should obtain the approval of the prison service. When PCHR’s lawyers contacted al-Ramlah Prison’s administration where al-Gharabli was detained, they stalled and refused his request for a visit permit.

The death of al-Gharabli highlights the general deterioration in the conditions of thousands of Palestinians in Nazi Camp and shows the extent of the punitive measures taken against them, particularly with regard to the medical negligence they are exposed to and the failure to provide the necessary medical treatment to hundreds of patients, especially those suffering from chronic and serious illnesses. This is is a serious violation of the Nazi regime obligations to provide humanitarian detention conditions and medical care for Palestinian detainees as per the Fourth Geneva Convention, especially Articles (85), (125).

PCHR holds the Nazi regime fully responsible for the death of Palestinian prisoner al-Gharabli and for the lives of dozens of patient who face the same destiny in light of the deterioration of living conditions for more than 7000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons, including dozens who suffer from chronic diseases and do not receive adequate medical treatment.

PCHR calls on the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to increase the effectiveness of its follow-up of the imprisonment conditions of Palestinians in Nazi Camp. Furthermore, PCHR urges the international community to pressurise the Nazi regime to immediately release prisoners, including women, children, and patients, who have served two-thirds of their sentences; and to provide healthcare services in accordance with the internationally recognized minimum standards.

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Nazi Gastapo Abduct Eighteen Palestinians

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Overnight Wednesday, until dawn Thursday, the Nazi army detained eighteen Palestinian civilians, including former prisoners, and a young female student, the Palestinian Prisoners’ Society (PPS) said in a statement.

In the southernmost West Bank city of Hebron, Nazi forces detained four Palestinian civilians, including two brothers, identified as;

1. Wajdi Nayef Jaradat from the town of Sa’ir,
2. Muhammad Salah Al-Qawasmeh,
3. Saeed Nidal Al-Awawi, and
4. Saad Al-Awawi the brother of Saeed.

From the south of the West Bank, in occupied East Jerusalem, Nazi soldiers detained five Palestinians, identified as;

5. Muhammad Ayman Obaid,
6. Omar Ahmed Mahmoud, who was abducted from the town of al-‘Isawiya,
7. Rami Ghaith from the town of Silwan,
8. Muhammad Obaid Al-Matari, from the town of Beit Annan, and
9. Moaz Al-Matari, also from the town of Beit Annan.

From the central West Bank district of Ramallah and Al-Bireh, the Israeli army detained two former prisoners, and a female Birzeit University student.

10. Jamal Tawil, father of a prisoner, a Hamas leader, and former prisoner, from Al-Bireh,
11. Hussein Abu Kweik, also a former prisoner, and a Hamas leader, from Al-Bireh,
12. Ruba Fahmi Asi, a female student of Birzeit University, was detained from the town of Beitunia, west of Ramallah.

Meanwhile, in the northern West Bank city of Qalqilia, Israeli forces detained;

13. Abdel Rahman Mahmoud Hanini, 28.

In the northernmost West Bank city of Jenin, five Palestinians, the majority of whom were former prisoners, were detained from different areas;

14. Abdullah Afif Zakarneh,
15. Sami Massad,
16. Bassam Abu Ali,
17. Majid Nairat, and
18. Muhammad Falah Owais, who was detained, Wednesday night, from in front of the Tayyar military roadblock.

The Palestinian Information Center reported that two of the detained were Hamas leaders.

The Jerusalem Post reported that Nazi forces stormed the Silwan home of Ambassador, Ahmed Al-Ruwaidi, the representative Islamic Cooperation Organization.

The Palestinian WAFA News Agency reported that youths in Ramallah, resisted the military invasion, to which the Nazi forces responded by firing rubber-coated steal rounds and tear-gas canisters at the stone-throwing youths.

No casualties were reported.

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Nazi Soldiers Kill A Palestinian, Injure Another, Near Salfit

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The Palestinian Health Ministry has confirmed, on Thursday at night, the death of a Palestinian man who was shot by Nazi soldiers near the main intersection of Kifl Hares town, north of Salfit in central West Bank, and added that the soldiers injured Palestinian teen.

The Ministry stated that the soldiers shot Ibrahim Mustafa Abu Yacoub, 33, with a live round in his neck, causing life-threatening wounds.

It added that Palestinian medics rushed the seriously wounded Palestinian to Salfit Governmental Hospital, where succumbed to his injuries.

The soldiers also shot and injured a Palestinian teen man with a live round in his thigh.

There were no protests when the soldiers opened fire at the Palestinians who were just walking near the main entrance of the town, which was blockaded by the army four days ago, and the soldiers have been preventing the Palestinians from entering or leaving it.

Eyewitnesses said Abu Ya’coub was just walking with a few of his friends when the soldiers targeted them with live fire without any cause or justification.

Essam Abu Yacoub, the head of Kifl Hares Town Council, said the slain Palestinian, and the wounded teen, Mohammad Abdul-Salam Abu Ya’coub, 17, were just walking in the area when the Nazi soldiers directly targeted them with live fire. The soldiers were on the military tower which was installed at the entrance of the town.

He added that a vehicle of colonialist Nazi Jewish settlers was in the area, and that the colonists also opened fire at the Palestinians.

Salfit Governor, Abdullah Kamil, said the Nazi army has escalated its violations against the civilians, and called on all factions, and the Palestinian people, to unite in facing the Nazi aggression against them, their homes, lands and their holy sites amidst the planned illegal annexation of large areas of the occupied West Bank.

“This despicable and ugly crime is just one of a series of Israeli violations against our people in every part of occupied Palestine,” Kamil added, “This is yet another cold-blooded murder; Ibrahim and his friends were just walking in their town; there was no reason for the soldiers to open fire at them in the first place, let alone to deliver the fatal shots.”

The slain Palestinian is the brother of Agricultural Engineer and the Director of the Ministry of Environmental Affairs, Marwan Abu Ya’coub.

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Nazi Colonists Vandalize Palestinian Vehicles Near Nablus

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Several armed illegal Nazi colonists vandalized, on Thursday morning, twelve Palestinian vehicles, south of Nablus city, in northern West Bank.

Ghassan Daghlas, a Palestinian Authority official who monitors Nazi colonialist activities in northern West Bank, stated that the Nazi colonists invaded the al-Lubban ash-Sharqiya village in southern Nablus, and slashed the wheels of twelve parked cars.

He added that Nazi assailants also sprayed racist graffiti on the vehicles, and walls in the village.

Colonist attacks on Palestinian-owned properties have been reportedly increased in recent weeks, as the Nazi regime has announced plans to annex northern parts of the West Bank, constituting 30 percent of the West Bank territories.

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Daily Life in Occupied Palestine

Israeli army demolishes a Palestinian home in occupied Jerusalem ...

IFAMERICANSKNEW.ORG  

YouTube has restricted our video and placed an unusually dire content warning on it. Please see our related article for the full details and to demand they stop the censorship.

Most Americans, whose government gives Israel over $10 million per day, have no idea that Israel commits human rights abuses every single day, since US media virtually never report this information: that Israeli forces daily invade Palestinian villages, daily abduct people, and daily injure people; that virtually every week Israeli forces destroy farmers’ trees, demolish family homes, confiscate Palestinian land, and more…

These clips illustrate the kind of essential information US media companies almost never show Americans.

For daily news reports from the Palestinian Occupied Territories, check out:
IMEMC News
Palestine News Network | PNN
WAFA Palestinian News Agency

To understand the history and context of this issue see some of our other videos:
Israel-Palestine: The Basics
If Americans Knew: Essential facts on Israel-Palestine & the U.S.
If Americans Knew – Intro

For information on US aid to Israel see: The Staggering Cost of Israel to Americans

For Palestinian rocket attacks go here.

And click here for a complete list of sources used in this video.

Below is a short and sharable version.


YouTube has restricted our video despite admitting that it does not violate their community guidelines. We suggest trying one of the platforms listed below.

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Brazil records more than 42,000 new infections and 1,220 deaths from the Corona virus

Brazil records more than 42,000 new infections and 1,220 deaths from the Corona virus

Brasilia: The Brazilian Ministry of Health said today, Thursday, that it had recorded 42,619 new cases of coronavirus in the past 24 hours and 1,220 deaths.

According to the ministry’s data, the total number of people infected with the virus in Brazil has reached more than 1.7 million since the outbreak of the epidemic, while the number of deaths reached 69,184 people. (Reuters)

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10 crimes of Haftar militias in front of the International Criminal Investigators

10 crimes of Haftar militias in front of the International Criminal Investigators

Mustafa Dalea:


Finally, the International Criminal Court decided to send a committee to investigate the crimes committed by the militias of the revolutionary general Khalifa Hifter, during the 14 months of its aggression against the Libyan capital, Tripoli.
These crimes include the genocide of families in the city of Tarhuna, crimes against humanity, by kidnapping, torturing and torturing civilians and mutilating their civilians, and war crimes that have included bombing civilian neighborhoods, targeting medical personnel, and killing prisoners, among others.
All of these crimes committed by the militia of Haftar , related to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, which were documented by the Libyan authorities, fall within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, whose goals include not to allow criminals to escape punishment.
On Tuesday, Libyan Foreign Ministry spokesman Mohamed al-Qiblawi announced that the criminal court approved the request of President of the Presidential Council, Fayez al-Sarraj, regarding the dispatch of a team to investigate the crimes of Haftar militias in Tarhuna, south of the capital, in the second half of July.
It is not certain whether the ICC team will content itself with investigating the mass graves in Tarhuna and south of Tripoli, or whether its work will include all genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes that fall within the jurisdiction of the International Court.
In sum, however, the most important crimes committed by the Haftar militias since their attack on Tripoli on April 4, 2019, which fall under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, can be summarized in the following points:
1- Crimes of extermination of families in Tarhuna: The militia of the 9th Brigade of Tarhuna, which is led by the Al-Kani family of the Haftar militias, exterminated families in Tarhuna in whole or in part, and was not spared from their crimes even infants or pregnant women, according to the Libyan Minister of Justice Muhammad Blamed, and this is what happened to the families of Al-Naaji and Herodah, for example.
But it is not certain whether the genocide also applies to families as announced by the legitimate Libyan government, or whether it is only related to “national, ethnic, racial or religious” groups as it is formally defined, especially since the criminal court’s prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, spoke of crimes Against humanity and war crimes, and you have not yet reported genocide, which will become clear after the investigations are complete.
2- Mass graves: They are considered crimes against humanity and war crimes, which exceeded 12 gravesMost of them are in Tarhuna, as after the liberation of the city from the gangs of the Kani family on June 5, 2020, mass graves of restricted persons were found, some of whom were buried alive.
3- Massacres: During the period of the control of the Kaniyat militia (the 9th Brigade) over Tarhuna, several massacres were committed against civilians, rival families affected the city, or even soldiers in the city were killed for unknown reasons, and dozens of bodies were found in Tarhuna General Hospital, and several Haftar militias were also committed Massacres against irregular migrants in Tripoli, and several popular neighborhoods in the capital were subjected to aerial or artillery bombardment, behind dozens of civilian deaths, including children, such as the neighborhoods of Farnaj, Abu Salim, Friday Market, the Murzuq massacre in the far south of the country, and the massacre of the Military College in Tripoli.
4- Torture: Several Libyan media outlets reported that soldiers and civilians who had been captured by the Haftar militia were subjected to torture, and that the bodies that were found on some of them found signs of torture, which confirms that the torture was not an isolated act.
5- Human ovens (Libyan Holocaust): The Libyan February channel showed video clips of very narrow cells in which the detainee could only sit in a squatting position, with tightly closed iron doors, and fire on their roofs to torture the prisoners with heat, and some even likened them to ovens. The Nazi Holocaust.
6- Cremation: It appeared that setting fire to the cells was not sufficient to cook the prisoners over a slow fire, but rather it came to the burning of a number of them, and the Libyan authorities found in the Qasr Bin Ghashir area (25 km south of Tripoli) charred bodies inside a container, including the body of a child She is 12 years old, and the authorities have documented this horrific crime.
7- Killing prisoners: If civilians were not spared the massacres of the Haftar militia, then the matter is clearer and more important for the soldiers of the Libyan government of the legitimate government who were captured during the battles, and who are supposed to be protected under the laws of war and the Geneva Convention of 1949, where dozens of them were liquidated, especially after Muhsin al-Kani, a field commander for the Kaniyat militia, was killed in September 2019, according to some UN and media reports.
8- Mining the southern neighborhoods of Tripoli: It is considered one of the war crimes committed by the militia of Haftar and foreign mercenaries, especially since there is no military benefit to be gained from mines after their withdrawal from the region, but mines and explosive devices (deferred weapons) are still today claiming dozens of victims, including civilians who returned to Their homes, which they were forced to flee because of the war.
9- Bombardment of hospitals and medical personnel: Many medical personnel, including doctors and paramedics, were killed and injured, and ambulances and field hospitals were bombed, and even public hospitals, including those treating people infected with Coronavirus, were not considered, which was considered a disregard for the lives of people and a lack of awareness of the seriousness of this global epidemic, Who has so far claimed the lives of dozens of Libyans.
10- Blocking roads and kidnapping: where travelers using the road between Tripoli and the city of Misrata suffered from false security barriers near the city of Al-Qarah Bolley (50 km east of Tripoli), during which individuals and families were killed just because they were from Misrata, kidnapped some of them and robbed and looted others, and militia played Al-Kaniyat is the most prominent role in these crimes due to its proximity to the coastal road that was used extensively by travelers coming from abroad through Misurata Airport to the cities of the Libyan West, especially when flights were stopped at Maitika airport in Tripoli because of its frequent shelling.
These are some war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide committed by the militia of Haftar between April 4, 2019 – June 5, 2020, which could be investigated by the International Criminal Court, without talking about other crimes such as the kidnapping of MP Siham Sarqiwa, her enforced disappearance, and severance Water and electricity for more than two million people, and forcing tens of thousands of Tripoli residents to flee their homes.
Also, the crimes committed before this period were not addressed, whether in Benghazi (2014-2017) and the displacement of tens of thousands of displaced people and preventing them from returning, or in Derna (2018) or in the province of Fezzan (2019), given that the International Criminal Court had previously She accused Haftar of not cooperating with her in extraditing Mahmoud al-Warfalli, who is accused of executing prisoners of war and publishing videos of his crimes on social media.
The International Criminal Court is not alone in investigating these crimes. Rather, the United Nations Human Rights Council decided last June to establish a fact-finding mission throughout Libya and document violations and abuses since the beginning of 2016.

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