Archive | Somalia

Diary: Mogadishu’s destroyed buildings

NOVANEWS

Ghaith Abdul-Ahad

After three years of drought thousands of colourful tents made with sticks and branches wrapped in plastic sheets and bits of cloth have sprung up among Mogadishu’s destroyed buildings. Over the summer and early autumn tens of thousands of starving Somalis entered the city. Now the refugees fill the shells of long-defunct ministries, gather in the shade of the roofless cathedral and stand under the parliament building like worshippers seeking a miracle. They appear in the streets in tattered clothing, holding bundles on their oversized heads, carrying yellow jerrycans and babies on their backs.

Inside the Ministry of Health, Fatima was building her tent, tying sticks together with strips of fabric, then wrapping larger pieces of cloth around them: a torn sarong, a plastic sheet, a fragment from an orange headscarf. Her infant son sat inside the tent with the rest of her possessions: a kettle and a blackened pot filled with half-cooked maize porridge that she got from a charity kitchen. She and her two sons would feed on that porridge for the next 24 hours, until she was given more. Around her many other tents filled the roofless room. Fatima’s tent stood against a shattered wall, its windows blown in by a tank shell some time in the last decade.

Fatima left her village in the south of Somalia, near Kismayo, when the rains failed for the third time. She walked to the nearest road, where she waited for a passing truck and begged a place for herself and her children. They travelled for three days in the back of the truck, surviving on the maize loaves she had with her and some water she begged for along the way. When they reached Afgoy on the outskirts of Mogadishu they were stopped by al-Shabaab militia, who told her to go back home. ‘They told us it was better to wait for God’s mercy and the rain than beg for food from the unbelievers.’ Twice she tried to cross into government-held territory, where aid was distributed, and twice they stopped her. She waited, but God’s mercy never came. A few days later she tried again, this time at night, and crossed the front line into the city.

Her older son was holding the sticks of the tent while she tied the knots around them and chattered away. ‘We left the sick and the old behind in the village. Only the strongest make it to Mogadishu: we were five when we left, now we are three.’ Where did the other two go? ‘I lost two sons,’ she said, and went on tying knots.

Three decades ago, Mohamed Siad Barre, commander of the Supreme Revolutionary Council, head of the politburo of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party and the last ruler of a functional Somali state, built vast concrete buildings all over Mogadishu. The beautiful city on the coast of the Indian Ocean, with its Arabic and Indian architecture, winding alleyways and Italian colonial-era villas, was dominated by these monuments. They were Third World incarnations of Soviet architecture, exuding power, stability and strength. The buildings – like the literacy campaigns, massive public works programmes and a long war against neighbouring Ethiopia in the late 1970s and early 1980s – were supposed to reflect the wisdom and authority of the dictator.

Sycophants and poets sang Siad Barre’s praises in these buildings, and schoolchildren waved ribbons and flew flags in their courtyards to celebrate his birthday. But in the deserts beyond the city walls nomadic tribes were agitating for war. When the Soviet Union fell and the unpredictable dictator could no longer play his hand in the Cold War game of African dictatorships, he was toppled. His clan was defeated by the clans he had marginalised.

Tribesmen poured into the city and Siad Barre’s state collapsed. The fighters ransacked Mogadishu’s Arab and European quarters and stripped its cinemas and ministries bare, shelled its old stone houses and hammered bullets into the walls and columns of its bars and cafés. Tribal commanders installed themselves as kings of crumbling neighbourhoods. Clan wars fragmented into sub-clan wars and then into sub-sub-clan wars. Tribesmen fought and killed other tribesmen and then turned against men of their own tribe and killed them. The fighters replaced their camels with Japanese pick-up trucks and fitted them with guns, turning them into war wagons. Everyone had been fighting for so long they forgot why they had started fighting in the first place and a miserable lethargy settled in. Generations of young men were born into the war, boys whose real mother was a Kalashnikov and whose only knowledge lay in the killing of other boys.

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WikiLeaks: US accused Qatar of funding Somalia’s Al Shabab militia

NOVANEWS

The United States accused its close ally Qatar of funding the Al-Shabab militia in Somalia, newly released diplomatic cables reveal.

The extraordinary claim was made in a 26 October 2009 meeting between Ambassador Susan Rice, the US Permanent Representative to the United Nations and her Turkish counterpart Ambassador Ertugul Apakan. A US diplomatic cable of minutes of the meeting was leaked by Wikileaks on 24 August.

This accusation – if true – means that the United States and Qatar have been funding and arming opposing sides in Somalia’s bloody civil war, which has undoubtedly exacerbated the catastrophic famine that is gripping the country. Qatar, the cables show, strenuously denied the accusation.

The cables also shed more light on the extent to which the United States is involved in proxy wars in the Horn of Africa.

Qatar “funding insurgents”

According to the cable:

Apakan said that Turkey wanted to be helpful in Somalia and agreed with the U.S. approach of continuing broad-based support for the Transitional Federal Government. Ambassador Rice expressed concerns about Qatar’s role in funding insurgents through Eritrea who were operating in Somalia, and suggested that Turkey could be helpful by weighing in with Qatar.

The cable does not provide any more detail about why the Qataris might have been supporting Al Shabab, nor the nature of the American intelligence on which Rice was basing her statements.

American weapons fuel Somali war

Soon after it took office in 2009, the Obama administration began shipping weapons and ammunition to the US-backed “Transitional Federal Government” (TFG) of Somalia, which it was often said controlled no more than a few blocks of the capital Mogadishu.

The Americans wanted to fight back the Islamist Al Shabab militia that had gained control of – and still controls large parts of Somalia.

This would mean that if true, Qatar, which hosts a massive US air force base, and the United States were directly or indirectly arming different sides in a bloody proxy war.

The United States also backed a 2006 Ethiopian invasion of Somalia intended to support the TFG, which possibly explains the role of Ethiopia’s enemy Eritrea in supporting Al-Shabab.

TFG suspicions of Qatar role funding Al Shabab

classified July 2009 US Embassy in Tripoli cable recording minutes of a meeting between US “Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Johnnie Carson and TFG President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmad in Sirte, Libya states:

President Sharif, who was accompanied by SOMALIA Transitional Federal Government (TFG) Foreign Minister Mohamed Abdullahi Omaar and Chief of Staff and Senior Adviser Abdulkareem Jama, thanked the USG for its support. Reviewing his government’s efforts to repel al-Shabaab’s forces, Sharif said the TFG has implemented every mechanism to stabilize Mogadishu, but al-Shabaab’s support remains strong and has the backing of al-Qaida. Sharif blamed certain governments, including QATAR, of providing financial assistance to al-Shabaab, and he accused Eritrea of funneling these funds as well as weapons to al-Shabaab. Despite these challenges, the TFG intends to remain in SOMALIA to defend the country, the SOMALIA President said.”

These concerns were apparently more widespread than just the TFG and the Americans. A20 August 2009 cable from the US Embassy in Cairo records that Arab Leagure Secretary General Amr Moussa had discussed the matter with the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Hamad:

Qatari denial

Qatar strongly denied the accusation of funding Al Shabab. A 20 August 2009 cable from the US Embassy in Cairo detailed a meeting between US officials and Zeid Al Sabban, an aide to Arab League Secretary General Amr Moussa. The minutes indicate that Moussa had discussed the matter with the Qatari Emir Sheikh Hamad:

Al Sabban said SYG Moussa discouraged QATARI EMIR Hamad from supporting Al Shibaab through Eritrea, a charge the EMIR emphatically denied(reftel B). The EMIR did admit to providing Eritrea with financial assistance and encouraging QATARi investment in the country. Al Sabban asked for an update on USG [US Government] discussions with the QATARI government on the topic of funding for Eritrea and Al Shibaab.

Turkey’s role

Earlier this month, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan made the first visit to Mogadishu by any head of government in more than 20 years. Erdogan made a commitment to open a Turkish embassy in the war torn capital and pledged significant additional Turkish aid to the country particularly to combat the famine. Turkey is providing hundreds of millions of dollars in famine relief and long-term aid to Somalia.

Could this be part of Turkey making good on Ambassador Apakan’s promise to Rice that his country would be “helpful” in supporting the TFG? Erdogan’s high-profile visit can certainly be read as boosting international legitimacy for the embattled government.

Aside from any political or diplomatic aspect to the Turkish role, the least that can be said is that while the United States sent life-destroying weapons and ammunition to the country, Turkey is sending significant amounts of aid.

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Somalia: End War Crimes to Help Tackle Famine

NOVANEWS

Abuses by All Sides Contribute to Current Crisis

  • Displaced people and Somali Transitional Government forces in Dhobley, Somalia, July 2011
    © 2010 AP Photo/Schalk van Zuydam
RELATED AUDIO:
  • Somalia’s crisis isn’t just about drought. HRW’s Ben Rawlence explains how war crimes have helped fuel the crisis in Somalia. Amy Costello reports.

There is no quick fix to Somalia’s tragedy, but it’s clear that impunity for serious abuses perpetuates insecurity. International pressure to bring an end to abuses by all sides is more crucial than ever – a more secure and rights respecting Somalia would be less prone to violence and famine.
Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch

(Nairobi) – All parties to Somalia’s armed conflict have committed serious violations of the laws of war that are contributing to the country’s humanitarian catastrophe, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. All sides should immediately end abuses against civilians, hold those responsible to account, and ensure access to aid and free movement of people fleeing conflict and drought.

The 58-page report, “‘You Don’t Know Who to Blame’: War Crimes in Somalia,” documents numerous abuses during renewed fighting in the past year by parties to the 20-year-long conflict in Somalia. These include the Islamist armed group al-Shabaab, the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the African Union peacekeeping forces (AMISOM), and Kenya- and Ethiopia-backed Somali militias. The report also examines abuses by the Kenyan police and crimes committed by bandits in neighboring Kenya against Somali refugees.

“Abuses by al-Shabaab and pro-government forces have vastly multiplied the suffering from Somalia’s famine,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch, “All sides need to take urgent steps to stop these unlawful attacks, let in aid, and end this humanitarian nightmare.”

The report, based on interviews with recently arrived Somali refugees in Kenya and other sources, examines two major TFG offensives against al-Shabaab since September 2010. Civilians have borne the brunt of the fighting, Human Rights Watch said.

All sides have used artillery in the capital, Mogadishu, in an unlawful manner that has caused civilian casualties. Al-Shabaab has fired mortars indiscriminately from densely populated areas, and the TFG and AMISOM forces have often responded in kind with indiscriminate counterattacks. As a result, civilians have not known where to turn for protection. While al-Shabaab’s reported withdrawal from Mogadishu may bring some respite to civilians in the capital from the incessant fighting, future abuses are likely unless the warring parties take assertive measures to end them, Human Rights Watch said.

“Both sides don’t spare the public,” a woman who had fled Mogadishu told Human Rights Watch. “Sometimes it happens that the person you had breakfast with in the morning is killed by mortars in the afternoon.

Somalis also described to Human Rights Watch unrelenting daily repression and brutality in areas under al-Shabaab control. Harsh punishments, notably floggings and summary executions, including public beheadings, are common and meted out against those who violate the militants’ oppressive laws or who are accused of being traitors. Al-Shabaab forcibly recruits children and adults into its forces. It deprives inhabitants under its rule of badly needed humanitarian assistance, including food and water, and prevents people from fleeing to safer areas.

The TFG has largely failed to provide basic security and human rights protections in the limited areas under its control, Human Rights Watch said. It and its allied militias have committed serious rights violations, including widespread arbitrary arrest and detention, restrictions on free speech and assembly, and indiscriminate attacks harming civilians.

Involvement by outside actors in Somalia has often been counterproductive and contributed to ongoing security threats. The United States, European Union, and United Nations provide support for the TFG without making a meaningful effort to press its leaders to curtail abuses. With only one year left in the TFG’s mandate, its international supporters should ensure that clear human rights benchmarks are established and achieved – including to improve accountability. If the transitional government does not achieve these basic objectives, other governments and the United Nations should reconsider their support, Human Rights Watch said.

AMISOM has in recent months taken measures to minimize civilian casualties during military operations. However, grave violations by its forces persist and the soldiers responsible have largely not been held to account.

Ethiopia and Kenya are parties to the conflict, having deployed units of their armed forces in military operations in southern Somalia in 2011. They have also provided military assistance to militias supporting the TFG. Yet neither Ethiopia nor Kenya has acted to ensure accountability for abuses by their troops or by the militias they support.

Human Rights Watch repeated its call for a UN commission of inquiry to investigate violations of human rights and the laws of war by all sides since the beginning of the conflict and to lay the groundwork for accountability. Human Rights Watch urged all parties to the conflict in Somalia to take concrete steps to protect civilians – notably respecting basic measures aimed at protecting civilians during attacks – and ensuring that humanitarian access is facilitated at all times.

“There is no quick fix to Somalia’s tragedy, but it’s clear that impunity for serious abuses perpetuates insecurity,” Bekele said. “International pressure to bring an end to abuses by all sides is more crucial than ever­­ – a more secure and rights respecting Somalia would be less prone to violence and famine.”

Escalation in fighting has resulted in massive displacement of the population in Mogadishu, as well as from the border regions. An area along the Kenyan border referred to as “Jubaland” has been particularly affected, with the Kenyan government indicating it wants to convert the area into a buffer zone between its territory and al-Shabaab-controlled areas. Kenyan ministers have called for Somalis to be assisted inside this “buffer zone,” instead of in Kenya, claiming that the area is safe. However, the area remains highly insecure and unstable.

Kenya has long been the host for several hundred thousand Somali refugees, a huge burden that has increased in the past year. Fighting and drought have driven hundreds of thousands of Somalis from their homes in 2011, including over 100,000 who have crossed into Kenya.

Somali refugees face serious challenges in Kenya, Human Rights Watch said. The journey to the Dadaab refugee camps is perilous. Human Rights Watch research since 2010 has found that refugees face police extortion and violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, and unlawful deportation to Somalia, with deportations continuing well into 2011. Refugees told Human Rights Watch that they took hazardous back roads to avoid the Kenyan police, but had been robbed and raped by bandits along those roads.

As of July 24, the refugee camps at Dadaab, originally built for 90,000 people, had a registered refugee population of 390,000. Recently arrived Somali refugees face overcrowded and inhumane living conditions in the camps and registration delays in getting even minimal assistance.

The Ifo II extension camp is empty, and has been ready to shelter 40,000 refugees since November 2010, and should be used without delay. Human Rights Watch urged the Kenyan government – with significantly increased support from international donor governments – to make additional land available for camps. Human Rights Watch also renewed its call on the Kenyan government to open a new refugee screening center in the border town of Liboi to register new arrivals and then transport them safely to the camps.

“We encourage the international community to provide aid inside Somalia, as well as to refugees in Kenya and Ethiopia,” Bekele said. “Somalia’s neighbors need to respect the right of all those fleeing Somalia to seek asylum.”

Selected Testimony from “You Don’t Know Who to Blame”

A 37-year-old woman from Mogadishu who fled indiscriminate shelling:

Both sides don’t spare the public. Sometimes it happens that the person you had breakfast with in the morning is killed by mortars in the afternoon. Al-Shabaab is fond of firing weapons from residential areas, knowing very clearly that the other side is going to return fire to the same place. Then al-Shabaab runs away. And the TFG and AMISOM don’t care whether there are civilians or not in the places they fire on. You don’t know whom to blame – do you blame al-Shabaab for hiding among the public, or the government for hitting back at the same place from where they were fired on?

A 40-year-old woman from Mogadishu whose husband was taken into custody by al-Shabaab:

They called me themselves and said, ‘We are in possession of your husband, who is also an infidel, isn’t he?’ I said, ‘My husband is a Muslim.’ They said ‘He is an infidel and we will slaughter him.’ Two days after he was arrested they called me again. They told me we were infidels, our children were infidels, and to beware…. Their threats are still ringing in my ears.

A young man from Sakoh who fled an al-Shabaab-controlled area:

All our animals died. There are no camels anymore, no goats, no cattle, and even people started dying. There was no food because al-Shabaab would not allow the aid agencies to bring food. They say, ‘We don’t want the food of disbelievers.’

An elderly woman from Dhobley who was attacked on the way to Dadaab:

Three days ago I left Dhobley [by van]. We were robbed on the way. There were about 40 of us, and there were 10 men who came with their rifles and put them on our necks, and another 10 in the bush. Men and women were separated and we were told to give them mobile phones, money, whatever we had. Some of the girls were raped – about six of them. For me, they just put a gun to my neck and took my money and mobile phone, but I am an old person so I was not subjected to rape.

A middle-aged man who was arbitrarily detained by the TFG-aligned militia Ahlu Sunna Waj-Jama’a:

I myself was arrested and robbed by [Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a] officials. I was sitting somewhere in the town center in BulaHawo, and an explosion took place. A TFG government vehicle was destroyed by a mine. Immediately, the soldiers [from Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a] entered the town and started shooting carelessly. All of us were rounded up and taken to the police station. While I was being taken to the cell, the soldiers robbed my cell phone and 7,000 Ksh.

Five hundred of us were arrested. We were kept in a compound. Some were in a cell. Women were also arrested and were held separately. Some were carrying small children. The women and children were released the same day, but the men stayed in detention for two days.

After we were released, there was a public rally by the TFG government. They told us to do one of three things: either go to Kenya or Ethiopia, or go join those al-Shabaab people. [A district official] said “If something happens again here, you will be held responsible and we will kill you.” The day after the public rally we saw there was going to be no life there. We decided to take off.

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Bob Marley Video Targets Famine in Somalia

NOVANEWS

“A drought, not seen in 60 years, compounded with near complete lawlessness and utter disregard for human life has made it so.”

Yahoo News

Somalian child bathed while being treated from dehydration at Dadaab camp, Kenya

American idol creator Simon Fuller, Island Records founder Chris Blackwell and The Bob Marley estate globally released a new video on Tuesday for Bob Marley & The Wailers’ 1973 song “Hide Tide Or Low Tide.”

The video shows the East Africa crisis that is affecting more than 9 million people dying of starvation.

Edited by Kevin Macdonald, director of “Last King Of Scotland” and the forthcoming “Marley” documentary, the “Hide Tide Or Low Tide” video includes recent footage of expressionless mothers caring for their children, oblivious toddlers playing amidst skeletons of wildlife, and numerous frail, sick babies.

In one of the more poignant images, a mother draws a bucket from a well only to find it filled with dirt and not one drop of water.

The “High Tide Or Low Tide” lyrics still provoke chills nearly 40 years after the song’s debut. Marley, a late icon, who used his music to encourage social change, sings about one of his mother’s prayers.

“A child is born in this world, he needs protection,” Marley sings, quoting his mother. During the song’s chorus, he pledges unconditional friendship: “In high seas or-a low seas, I’m gonna be your friend”.

FAMINE IN AFRICA

For the first time since 1980’s, the United Nations (UN) has declared a famine in Africa. According to estimates more than 12 million people in the Horn of Africa need urgent help; tens of thousands have already died and hundreds of thousands more risk starvations.

The epicentre of the famine is in Somalia where more than 30,000 children under the age of five have been killed in the last 90 days. A severe drought is seen as the main cause of this tragedy.

The picture is getting murkier by the day as the drought, which is the main cause of the tragedy, is spreading to other regions as well. Not to forget insurgent groups such as the Shabab, who have pledged allegiance to the Al Qaeda, stopping people from fleeing the country and depriving victims of much needed food.

Several aid groups are trying to airlift emergency food. But the famine hit southern part of Somalia has been seen as a dangerous zone, which has claimed the lives of peace keepers and soldiers for years.

While an exceptionally severe drought may be the main cause of this tragedy, it is also a catastrophic breakdown of the world’s collective responsibility as the warning signs have been seen for months and the world has been slow to act.

Partnering with Save the Children, the Marleys, Fuller, and Blackwell are hoping to make an impact. Universal Music Global has agreed to donate all profits from the video.

Several celebrities including Lady Gaga, Beckhams and Justin Bieber are supporting the initiative and are encouraging their fans to watch the video and donate.

The innovative viral campaign with the incredible power and reach of social networks is expected to help tackle the first famine of the 21st century.

Go to ImGonnaBeYourFriend.org to make a donation.


YouTube – Veterans Today -Bob Marley new released video “Hide tide or low tide”


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Media Disinformation and the Causes of the Somali Famine

NOVANEWS
By William Bowles

BBC news coverage of the famine in Somalia has been saturating the airwaves and it’s always like this whenever ‘natural disasters’ strike. Fundamentally it’s little more than a fund-raising promo paid for with our taxes as endlessly repeated shots of emaciated babies and dying people serves no informative purpose except to tug covetously at our purse strings. And of course it has the added benefit of distracting us from our own condition – until the next crisis comes our way.

The experience of Somalia shows that famine in the late 20th century is not a consequence of a shortage of food. On the contrary, famines are spurred on as a result of a global oversupply of grain staples. Since the 1980s, grain markets have been deregulated under the supervision of the World Bank and US grain surpluses are used systematically as in the case of Somalia to destroy the peasantry and destabilize national food agriculture. The latter becomes, under these circumstances, far more vulnerable to the vagaries of drought and environmental degradation. -- Michel Chossudovsky

News coverage is further complicated by the fact that the disaster is taking place in a Western-originated and maintained ‘war on terror’. Thus the ban on aid entering the region controlled by al-Shabab, the ‘terrorists’ is made play of by the BBC, though it presents us with conflicting stories on the subject.

On 6 July the BBC carried a story titled, ‘Somalia Islamists lift aid ban to help drought victims‘ but then on 22 July we read that somehow al- Shabab had managed to maintain a ban that it had supposedly lifted, ‘Somali Islamists maintain aid ban‘. Methinks the BBC speaks with forked tongue.[1]

But what of the US sanctions in place on Somalia? The BBC carries one story on the subject of the sanctions put in place by Obama in April 2010 that banned any US aid to areas controlled by al-Shabab (which is pretty much the entire country apart from a few streets in what’s left of Mogadishu, the capital) and now revised with the following proviso made by the deputy administrator of USAID:

What we need is assurances from the World Food Programme and from other agencies, the United Nations or other agencies, both public and in the non-governmental sector, who are willing to go into Somalia who will tell us affirmatively that they are not being taxed by al-Shabab, they are not being subjected to bribes from al-Shabab, that they can operate unfettered” – ’US ‘to aid Islamist areas of famine-hit Somalia”, BBC 20 July 2011

In other words, so far no aid is being sent by the US, thus the reality betrays the claims of the headline.

Meanwhile…

“They call it “bug splat”, the splotch of blood, bones, and viscera that marks the site of a successful drone strike. To those manning the consoles in Nevada, it signifies ‘suspected militants’ who have just been ‘neutralised’ to those on the ground, in most cases, it represents a family that has been shattered, a home destroyed.” – ‘Murder By Video Game And ‘Bug Splats’: CIA Drone War In Pakistan‘ By Muhammad Idrees Ahmad

The BBC is less effusive on death by drone attack. Shots of the the uncounted victims of the Empire’s drone attacks are also somewhat thinner on the ground (ie. zero) with a total of just six stories between the 27 May 2011 and today and no closeups of ‘bug splats’. But every time one of the Empire’s soldier’s dies somewhere, the BBC not only notifies us of the death but we a get a photo and short bio thrown in. No such tribute to the people of Pakistan wiped out so casually by somebody sitting in a room in North Carolina playing real death video games.

Just how coy the BBC is about the Empire’s reign of death from the sky is summed up thus:

“The US says the region is home to al-Qaeda and Taliban insurgents.

“It says militants who have found sanctuary in these areas are involved in attacks on Nato forces in Afghanistan. North and South Waziristan are regularly targeted by drone missiles.

/../

A number of militants, some of them senior, have been killed in the raids, but many civilians have also died.” – ‘Pakistan: Drone attacks in Waziristan ‘kill 30‘, BBC 12 July 2011

The BBC has even given up inserting the word ‘alleged’ before ‘militants’ as the only source is apparently the US military for the claims of ‘dead militants’ and one wonders just how many ‘many civilians’ really is as no one is bothering to count the ‘bug splats’.

The IMF as a ‘natural disaster’

The disjuncture is complete. On the one hand endless video footage of emaciated Somalis trudging through a parched (or flooded) landscape, and on the other – nothing except a PR handout by the Empire.

The reality behind the ‘natural disaster’ in Somalia is altogether different than the Western media’s portrayal of events in the Horn of Africa and extends back to the transformation of Somalia by the IMF into a ‘failed state’ in 1991.

“Far beneath the surface of the tragic drama of Somalia, four major U.S. oil companies are quietly sitting on a prospective fortune in exclusive concessions to explore and exploit tens of millions of acres of the Somali countryside.

“According to documents obtained by The Times, nearly two-thirds of Somalia was allocated to the American oil giants Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Phillips in the final years before Somalia’s pro-U.S. President Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown and the nation plunged into chaos in January, 1991. – ‘Somalia: the Real Causes of Famine‘ by Michel Chossudovsky, 21 July 2011

Between 5 July and 3 August, the BBC ran 30 stories on the famine in Somalia but without exception not a single story recounts the history of Somalia or the role of of the West in creating the conditions that have led to the unfolding disaster.

Somalia was a pastoral economy based on “exchange” between nomadic herdsmen and small agriculturalists. Nomadic pastoralists accounted for 50 percent of the population. In the 1970s, resettlement programs led to the development of a sizeable sector of commercial pastoralism. Livestock contributed to 80 percent of export earnings until 1983. Despite recurrent droughts, Somalia remained virtually self-sufficient in food until the 1970s.

“The IMF-World Bank intervention in the early 1980s contributed to exacerbating the crisis of Somali agriculture. The economic reforms undermined the fragile exchange relationship between the “nomadic economy” and the “sedentary economy” – i.e. between pastoralists and small farmers characterized by money transactions as well as traditional barter. A very tight austerity program was imposed on the government largely to release the funds required to service Somalia’s debt with the Paris Club. In fact, a large share of the external debt was held by the Washington-based financial institutions.” – (ibid)

So, far from being a ‘natural disaster’ events in Somalia can be traced directly to Western intervention, an intervention carried out in at least one hundred indebted economies the world over in the name of ‘structural adjustment’.

Note

1. World Food Program in Somalia: Angel of Mercy or Angel of Death? By Thomas C. Mountain

See also: ‘US-backed forces launch military offensive in Somalia as aid is used as a weapon of war By Susan Garth’

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Help Protect Somalia’s Refugees

NOVANEWS

Imagine if you had to leave your home because there was no food to eat due to famine.  Imagine if you lived in an area full of violent conflict.  Imagine walking for days in hopes of finding a safe refuge and food for your children.  Imagine finding that place only to be turned away….

Kenya’s government is failing to provide a safe haven to Somalia’s refugees who are fleeing famine and conflict – even when it has the capacity to extend its refugee camps to hold an additional 40,000 people.

Kenya claims the refugees are running from the drought and therefore can safely be harbored inside Somalia’s borders. However, in reality the refugees are also running from the incessant violence and abuses wreaked by the Islamist armed group, al-Shabaab.

Al-Shabaab’s brutal rule, combined with the famine, has created the devastation. The United Nations says Somalia is facing a famine, but al-Shabaab has rejected essential humanitarian aid to keep people from starvation. Al-Shabaab has even kept people from fleeing Somalia’s most dangerous areas. The fighting continues – even in the same areas Kenya’s government says are safe for refugees.

Somalia’s refugees are not safe inside Somalia. Tell Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki to open up the extension camp and let in Somalia’s refugees!

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Somalia: the Real Causes of Famine (1)

NOVANEWS

by Michel Chossudovsky

First published in 1994, Third World Resurgence and Le monde diplomatique

The IMF Intervention in the Early 1980s

Somalia was a pastoral economy based on “exchange” between nomadic herdsmen and small agriculturalists. Nomadic pastoralists accounted for 50 percent of the population. In the 1970s, resettlement programs led to the development of a sizeable sector of commercial pastoralism. Livestock contributed to 80 percent of export earnings until 1983. Despite recurrent droughts, Somalia remained virtually self-sufficient in food until the 1970s.

The IMF-World Bank intervention in the early 1980s contributed to exacerbating the crisis of Somali agriculture. The economic reforms undermined the fragile exchange relationship between the “nomadic economy” and the “sedentary economy” – i.e. between pastoralists and small farmers characterized by money transactions as well as traditional barter. A very tight austerity program was imposed on the government largely to release the funds required to service Somalia’s debt with the Paris Club. In fact, a large share of the external debt was held by the Washington-based financial institutions.’ According to an ILO mission report:

[T]he Fund alone among Somalia’s major recipients of debt service payments, refuses to reschedule. (…) De facto it is helping to finance an adjustment program, one of whose major goals is to repay the IMF itself.

Towards the Destruction of Food Agriculture

The structural adjustment program reinforced Somalia’s dependency on imported grain. From the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, food aid increased fifteen-fold, at the rate of 31 percent per annum.’ Combined with increased commercial imports, this influx of cheap surplus wheat and rice sold in the domestic market led to the displacement of local producers, as well as to a major shift in food consumption patterns to the detriment of traditional crops (maize and sorghum). The devaluation of the Somali shilling, imposed by the IMF in June 1981, was followed by periodic devaluations, leading to hikes in the prices of fuel, fertilizer and farm inputs. The impact on agricultural producers was immediate particularly in rain-fed agriculture, as well as in the areas of irrigated farming. Urban purchasing power declined dramatically, government extension programs were curtailed, infrastructure collapsed, the deregulation of the grain market and the influx of “food aid” led to the impoverishment of farming communities.’

Also, during this period, much of the best agricultural land was appropriated by bureaucrats, army officers and merchants with connections to the government.’ Rather than promoting food production for the domestic market, the donors were encouraging the development of so-called “high value-added” fruits, vegetables, oilseeds and cotton for export on the best irrigated farmland.

Collapse of the Livestock Economy

As of the early 1980s, prices for imported livestock drugs increased as a result of the depreciation of the currency. The World Bank encouraged the exaction of user fees for veterinarian services to the nomadic herdsmen, including the vaccination of animals. A private market for veterinary drugs was promoted. The functions performed by the Ministry of Livestock were phased out, with the Veterinary Laboratory Services of the ministry to be fully financed on a cost-recovery basis. According to the World Bank:
Veterinarian services are essential for livestock development in all areas, and they can be provided mainly by the private sector. (… Since few private veterinarians will choose to practice in the remote pastoral areas, improved livestock care will also depend on “para vets” paid from drug sales.’

The privatization of animal health was combined with the absence of emergency animal feed during periods of drought, the commercialization of water and the neglect of water and rangeland conservation. The results were predictable: the herds were decimated and so were the pastoralists, who represent 50 percent of the country’s population. The “hidden objective” of this program was to eliminate the nomadic herdsmen involved in the traditional exchange economy. According to the World Bank, “adjustments” in the size of the herds are, in any event, beneficial because nomadic pastoralists in sub-Saharan Africa are narrowly viewed as a cause of environmental degradation.”

The collapse in veterinarian services also indirectly served the interests of the rich countries: in 1984, Somalian cattle exports to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries plummeted as Saudi beef imports were redirected to suppliers from Australia and the European Community. The ban on Somali livestock imposed by Saudi Arabia was not, however, removed once the rinderpest disease epidemic had been eliminated.

Destroying the State

The restructuring of government expenditure under the supervision of the Bretton Woods institutions also played a crucial role in destroying food agriculture. Agricultural infrastructure collapsed and recurrent expenditure in agriculture declined by about 85 percent in relation to the mid-1970s.” The Somali government was prevented by the IMF from mobilizing domestic resources. Tight targets for the budget deficit were set. Moreover, the donors increasingly provided “aid”, not in the form of imports of capital and equipment, but in the form of “food aid”. The latter would in turn be sold by the government on the local market and the proceeds of these sales (i.e. the so-called “counterpart funds”) would be used to cover the domestic costs of development projects. As of the early 1980s, “the sale of food aid” became the principal source of revenue for the state, thereby enabling donors to take control of the entire budgetary process.”

The economic reforms were marked by the disintegration of health and educational programmes.’3 By 1989, expenditure on health had declined by 78 percent in relation to its 1975 level. According to World Bank figures, the level of recurrent expenditure on education in 1989 was about US$ 4 Per annum per primary school student down from about $ 82 in 1982. From 1981 to 1989, school enrolment declined by 41 percent (despite a sizeable increase in the population of school age), textbooks and school materials disappeared from the class-rooms, school buildings deteriorated and nearly a quarter of the primary schools closed down. Teachers’ salaries declined to abysmally low levels.

The IMF-World Bank program has led the Somali economy into a vicious circle: the decimation of the herds pushed the nomadic pastoralists into starvation which in turn backlashes on grain producers who sold or bartered their grain for cattle. The entire social fabric of the pastoralist economy was undone. The collapse in foreign exchange earnings from declining cattle exports and remittances (from Somali workers in the Gulf countries) backlashed on the balance of payments and the state’s public finances leading to the breakdown of the government’s economic and social programs.

Small farmers were displaced as a result of the dumping of subsidized US grain on the domestic market combined with the hike in the price of farm inputs. The impoverishment of the urban population also led to a contraction of food consumption. In turn, state support in the irrigated areas was frozen and production in the state farms declined. The latter were slated to be closed down or privatized under World Bank supervision.

According to World Bank estimates, real public-sector wages in 1989 had declined by 90 percent in relation to the mid-1970s. Average wages in the public sector had fallen to US$ 3 a month, leading to the inevitable disintegration of the civil administration.” A program to rehabilitate civil service wages was proposed by the World Bank (in the context of a reform of the civil service), but this objective was to be achieved within the same budgetary envelope by dismissing some 40 percent of public-sector employees and eliminating salary supplements.” Under this plan, the civil service would have been reduced to a mere 25,000 employees by 1995 (in a country of six million people). Several donors indicated keen interest in funding the cost associated with the retrenchment of civil servants.”

In the face of impending disaster, no attempt was made by the international donor community to rehabilitate the country’s economic and social infrastructure, to restore levels of purchasing power and to rebuild the civil service: the macro-economic adjustment measures proposed by the creditors in the year prior to the collapse of the government of General Siyad Barre in January 1991 (at the height of the civil war) called for a further tightening over public spending, the restructuring of the Central Bank, the liberalization of credit (which virtually thwarted the private sector) and the liquidation and divestiture of most of the state enterprises.

In 1989, debt-servicing obligations represented 194.6 percent of export earnings. The IMF’s loan was cancelled because of Somalia’s outstanding arrears. The World Bank had approved a structural adjustment loan for US$ 70 million in June 1989 which was frozen a few months later due to Somalia’s poor macro-economic performance. ’7 Arrears with creditors had to be settled before the granting of new loans and the negotiation of debt rescheduling. Somalia was tangled in the straightjacket of debt servicing and structural adjustment.

Famine Formation in sub-Saharan Africa:  The Lessons of Somalia

Somalia’s experience shows how a country can be devastated by the simultaneous application of food “aid” and macro-economic policy. There are many Somalias in the developing world and the economic reform package implemented in Somalia is similar to that applied in more than 100 developing countries. But there is another significant dimension: Somalia is a pastoralist economy, and throughout Africa both nomadic and commercial livestock are being destroyed by the IMF-World Bank program in much the same way as in Somalia. In this context, subsidized beef and dairy products imported (duty free) from the European Union have led to the demise of Africa’s pastoral economy. European beef imports to West Africa have increased seven-fold since 1984: “the low quality EC beef sells at half the price of locally produced meat. Sahelian farmers are finding that no-one is prepared to buy their herds”.”

The experience of Somalia shows that famine in the late 20th century is not a consequence of a shortage of food. On the contrary, famines are spurred on as a result of a global oversupply of grain staples. Since the 1980s, grain markets have been deregulated under the supervision of the World Bank and US grain surpluses are used systematically as in the case of Somalia to destroy the peasantry and destabilize national food agriculture. The latter becomes, under these circumstances, far more vulnerable to the vagaries of drought and environmental degradation.

Throughout the continent, the pattern of “sectoral adjustment” in agriculture under the custody of the Bretton Woods institutions has been unequivocally towards the destruction of food security. Dependency vis-à-vis the world market has been reinforced, “food aid” to sub-Saharan Africa increased by more than seven times since 1974 and commercial grain imports more than doubled. Grain imports for sub-Saharan Africa expanded from 3.72 million tons in 1974 to 8.47 million tons in 1993. Food aid increased from 910,000 tons in 1974 to 6.64 million tons in l993.

“Food aid”, however, was no longer earmarked for the drought-stricken countries of the Sahelian belt; it was also channeled into countries which were, until recently, more or less self-sufficient in food. Zimbabwe (once considered the bread basket of Southern Africa) was severely affected by the famine and drought which swept Southern Africa in 1992. The country experienced a drop of 90 percent in its maize crop, located largely in less productive lands.” Yet, ironically, at the height of the drought, tobacco for export (supported by modem irrigation, credit, research, etc.) registered a bumper harvest. While “the famine forces the population to eat termites”, much of the export earnings from Zimbabwe’s tobacco harvest were used to service the external debt.

Under the structural adjustment program, farmers have increasingly abandoned traditional food crops; in Malawi, which was once a net food exporter, maize production declined by 40 percent in 1992 while tobacco output doubled between 1986 and 1993. One hundred and fifty thousand hectares of the best land was allocated to tobacco .2′ Throughout the 1980s, severe austerity measures were imposed on African governments and expenditures on rural development drastically curtailed, leading to the collapse of agricultural infrastructure. Under the World Bank program, water was to become a commodity to be sold on a cost-recovery basis to impoverished farmers. Due to lack of funds, the state was obliged to withdraw from the management and conservation of water resources. Water points and boreholes dried up due to lack of maintenance, or were privatized by local merchants and rich farmers. In the semi-arid regions, this commercialization of water and irrigation leads to the collapse of food security and famine.

Concluding Remarks

While “external” climatic variables play a role in triggering off a famine and heightening the social impact of drought, famines in the age of globalization are man-made. They are not the consequence of a scarcity of food but of a structure of global oversupply which undermines food security and destroys national food agriculture. Tightly regulated and controlled by international agri-business, this oversupply is ultimately conducive to the stagnation of both production and consumption of essential food staples and the impoverishment of farmers throughout the world. Moreover, in the era of globalization, the IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program bears a direct relationship to the process of famine formation because it systematically undermines all categories of economic activity, whether urban or rural, which do not directly serve the interests of the global market system.

(for footnotes see Chapter in the Globalization of Poverty)

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Somalia: the Real Causes of Famine (1)

NOVANEWS

By Michel Chossudovsky

Global Research

For the last twenty years, Somalia has been entangled in a “civil war” amidst the destruction of both its rural and urban economies.

The country is now facing widespread famine.  According to reports, tens of thousands of people have died from malnutrition in the last few months. The lives of  several million people are threatened.

The mainstream media casually attributes the famine to a severe drought without examining the broader causes.

An atmosphere of  “lawlessness, gang warfare and anarchy” is also upheld as one of the major causes behind the famine.

But who is behind the lawlessness and armed gangs? 

Somalia is categorized as a “failed state”, a country without a government.

 

But how did it become a “failed state”? There is ample evidence of foreign intervention as well as covert support of armed militia groups. Triggering “failed states” is an integral part of US foreign policy. It is part of a military-intelligence agenda.

 

According to the UN, a situation of famine prevails in southern Bakool and Lower Shabelle, areas in part controlled by Al Shahab, a jihadist militia group affiliated to Al Qaeda.

Both the UN and the Obama administration had accused Al Shahab of imposing “a ban on foreign aid agencies in its territories in 2009″. What the reports do not mention, however, is that Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen (HSM) (“Movement of Striving Youth”) is funded by Saudi Arabia and supported covertly by Western intelligence agencies.

The backing of Islamic militia by Western intelligence agencies is part of a broader historical pattern of covert support to Al Qaeda affiliated and jihadist organizations in a number of countries, including, more recently, Libya and Syria.

The broader question is: What outside forces triggered the destruction of the Somali State in the early 1990s?

Somalia remained self-sufficient in food until the late 1970s despite recurrent droughts. As of the early 1980s, its national economy was destabilized and food agriculture was destroyed.

The process of economic dislocation preceded the onset of the civil war in 1991. Economic and social chaos resulting from IMF “economic medicine” was a “precondition” for the launching of a US sponsored “civil war”.  

An entire country with a rich history of commerce and economic development, was transformed into a territory.

In a bitter irony, this open territory encompasses significant oil wealth. Four US oil giants had already positioned themselves prior to the onset of the Somali civil war in 1991:

Far beneath the surface of the tragic drama of Somalia, four major U.S. oil companies are quietly sitting on a prospective fortune in exclusive concessions to explore and exploit tens of millions of acres of the Somali countryside.

According to documents obtained by The Times, nearly two-thirds of Somalia was allocated to the American oil giants Conoco, Amoco, Chevron and Phillips in the final years before Somalia’s pro-U.S. President Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown and the nation plunged into chaos in January, 1991. …

Officially, the Administration and the State Department insist that the U.S. military mission in Somalia is strictly humanitarian. Oil industry spokesmen dismissed as “absurd” and “nonsense” allegations by aid experts, veteran East Africa analysts and several prominent Somalis that President Bush, a former Texas oilman, was moved to act in Somalia, at least in part, by the U.S. corporate oil stake.

But corporate and scientific documents disclosed that the American companies are well positioned to pursue Somalia’s most promising potential oil reserves the moment the nation is pacified. And the State Department and U.S. military officials acknowledge that one of those oil companies has done more than simply sit back and hope for pece.

Conoco Inc., the only major multinational corporation to maintain a functioning office in Mogadishu throughout the past two years of nationwide anarchy, has been directly involved in the U.S. government’s role in the U.N.-sponsored humanitarian military effort.(Quoted in  The Oil Factor In Somalia | COLUMN ONE : The Oil Factor in Somalia : Four American petroleum giants had agreements with the African nation before its civil war began. They could reap big rewards if peace is restored. – Los Angeles Times 1993)

Somalia had been a colony of Italy and Britain. In 1969, a post-colonial government was formed under president Mohamed Siad Barre; major social programs in health and education were implemented, rural and urban infrastructure was developed in the course of the 1970s. 

The early 1980s marks a major turning point.

The IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program (SAP) was imposed on sub-Saharan Africa. The recurrent famines of the 1980s and 1990s are in large part the consequence of IMF-World Bank “economic medicine”.

In Somalia, ten years of IMF economic medicine laid the foundations for the transition towards a framework of economic dislocation and social chaos.

By the late 1980s, following recurrent “austerity measures” imposed by the Washington consensus, wages in the public sector had collapsed to 3 dollars a month.

The following article first published in 1994 in Le Monde diplomatique and Third World Resurgence centers on the historical causes of famine in Somalia.

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Somalia has had no mind!

NOVANEWS

Khaled Hassan

In Somalia and possibly in Afghanistan and to Iraq rebels a lot, and warriors Cherson, and freedom fighters owners quite military, but their cause is greater than their abilities, and betrayed their minds, there’s finally seen the road, or at least we do not know, and affect the people strongly the view of the impact and presence with flexible.

Is the crisis of leadership and leadership, a crisis of mind of a great, does not think only what promotes his nation and liberate his country and the achievement of dignity and independence of will and resolution, was led by educated adults, but are abused a lot, and rare of them shown the strength and flexibility and capacity of the mind and the horizon and noble qualities, and the ability to see if the solution was less than hoped.

And impressed by the colonial penetrates the Arab countries and Somalia, in strength to Iran revolution, is Rights Reserved destruction and occupation of the country without the other? Perhaps, or the wonder of the countries do not like shaky substitute trusteeship system, and strengthen the independent life of dignity.

Sometimes I feel that we are moving in all directions, and note the position here and there, and we are keen to have a presence and impact, but Billabih and the ambiguity and confusion, and did not care much the completion of a pragmatic position, and we chose side battles and perhaps the maze, and put ourselves sometimes place of history and sometimes in defense of certain options, and sacrificed the long road to freedom, independence and dignity.

Required from the intellectual or writer or thinker living and free to give priority to the fact not to put himself where history, not to mortgage the same fate, expectations and estimates, and to defend what he thinks is correct, and Scottna error means we have canceled any need or role for us.

What does it mean to speak of positive criticism if it is required of us is only silence?! Sometimes you want America to reduce its enemies, and employs a moderate Islamic party to another party and the militant Islamic deduction drawn both to the bloody fighting, the classification ability of the U.S. for setting, as is happening today in Somalia wounded.

But is what is required is a statement that “the important American achievement,” and that the war resisters to the occupation targeted in the hands of fellow veterans of the same path Tina “Islamic”, who accepted the umbrella of America, as, without any attention to the completion of a pragmatic position, even when the digestion and injustice?

Islamic courts were divided, “U.S.” into two parts, that takes one face of the other, and weaken each other, while the sponsor of the division and possibly fighting, watching the situation, is assigned a pro against the Warrior, and the old policy is renewed, I tried in Afghanistan between enemy brothers and between Iraq and Iran and in the others, but what position is possible, though unjust, which is injected into the blood?! The highest priority, to prevent the fighting as possible and keep the rest of independence and dignity.

Do we condemn the opposition because they bypassed the right thing and rushed in government and wasted blood infallible, and Ndandan on this point, and just made my mistake, Avciadtha, and stop at the borders of a particular party does not faulted Ntaadah?!

Nteki or right that the “American Achievement” and the subtle report, “Rand” with the “moderate” Islamists to strike the “radical” Islamists to condemn the pro-occupier and understand the behavior of opponents?!

Or get out a practical stance that preserves the dignity of the rest of Somalia, independence and injected into the blood and warns of U.S. employment for the party making it an entity to fight yesterday’s companions, in the interest of U.S.?!

And impressed the nation playing in the reports and studies of colonial and make the noblest of its people submissive, and the volatility and placed upside down, just because it came from “experts, American” in igniting the wars and strife, looting goods and wealth, or is the ability to implement what draws us, but this time, Masalh Sharia and evidence irrefutable argument? !


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U.S. air strike killed a leading al-Qaeda

NOVANEWS

 

 

 

 

 

 

U.S. helicopters launched an attack on a car carrying members of the Young Mujahideen Movement in the village of southern Somalia, killing some people who were inside one of them leaders of al Qaeda in Somalia.

A U.S. official in Washington, requesting anonymity: “The dead man was Kenyan Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan requested under investigation in the attack on a hotel in Mombasa and attempting to overthrow the Zionist aircraft during take-off from the city’s airport, the year 2002.”

The stations “ABC News and Fox News”, citing U.S. officials “that Nabhan was killed when a U.S. helicopter fired at least fire on the convoy carrying al Qaeda suspects in southern Somalia on Monday,” according to Agence France-Presse.

The U.S. official said on ABC’s “ABC”: “The vessel of the U.S. Navy was in the neighborhood to follow up the situation and provide support in case of necessity”, as mentioned television, “ABC” that the body of Saleh Nabhan is now in the possession of U.S. forces.

One of the officials explained that a number of elements of the plane landed on board, and took with them the body believed to be the Nabhan, in order to verify his identity.

He noted that the air raid came after information to U.S. forces that Nabhan is in the region, pointing out that U.S. troops have been monitoring the situation for several days before the raid.

According to farmers in the town, “Barwa” Somalia, where the raid took place, that most of the helicopter involved in the targeting of a car and those on board, and at least two were killed in the attack.

The witnesses said that some of the helicopters landed and pulled a number of wounded and dead out of the vehicle and took them with them.

The Minister of Disarmament in Somalia’s interim government, Ali Mohamed Farhan, to network, “CNN” of a U.S. air strike, and that the attack took place in the town of Barwa south of the country.

And the region obtained by the process in Somalia under the control of the Mujahideen Youth Movement who are working since last May to bring down the transitional government led by Sheikh Sharif Ahme

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