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Trump “Shitholes,” and White Supremacy

Trump “Shitholes,” and White Supremacy: Building Resistance on 8th Anniversary of the Haiti Earthquake. My Family and I Survived.

With his analogy between Black people and feces, Trump has once again shown the world his commitment to wickedness, vulgarity, and racism.


Eight years ago today, my family and I survived the earthquake in Haiti. I had been laid off from my teaching job that year in the wake of the great recession and so I had joined my wife, with our one-year-old son, on her work trip to Haiti where she was conducting trainings on HIV.

In the immediate aftermath of the quake, our hotel became a makeshift clinic. One of the hotel guests, an emergency medical technician, quickly assembled a triage and treatment area in the circular driveway. Over the course of the evening and into the night, we mobilized our meager resources to attend to hundreds of badly injured Haitians. My wife and I were deputized as orderlies in his makeshift emergency room, although we had no medical training. We stripped the sheets off hotel beds for bandages, we broke chairs to use for splints, and we transformed the poolside deck chairs into hospital beds.

In the ensuing days I worked on children who died in my arms and saw hundreds of dead bodies that lined the streets of Port-Au-Prince. Estimates of the death toll from the quake reach into the hundreds of thousands with as many injured. I witnessed this death on a mass scale. But I also witnessed the beauty and resilience of a people who had lost everything, but still found something to give to help save others.

Neighbors carried neighbors who were missing limbs on top of doors for miles to get medical aid. People took shallow sips from plastic bottles so the water would nourish life for more people. Hundreds gathered in newly forged communities to sing songs, collectively raising the spirit of hope.

To these people President Donald Trump has a message: You are a “shithole.”

According to the Washington Post, Trump referred to Haiti, Africa and El Salvador during an immigration meeting with lawmakers on Thursday, saying,

“Why are we having all these people from shithole countries come here?”

There can be no doubt that Haiti has many severe challenges, and there can also be no doubt that the cesspool of U.S. power, and other dominant nations, are at the root of them. This urge to dominate Haiti dates back to it’s very founding in a mass slave revolt. In fact, the U.S. refused to recognize Haiti as a nation, from it’s independence in 1804 until1862, because of the worry that Black republic, run by former slaves, would send the wrong message to its own slave population. Then from 1915-1934, the US enforced a violent and bloody military occupation on Haiti. As historian Mary Renda wrote,

“By official US estimates, more than 3,000 Haitians were killed during this period; a more thorough accounting reveals that the death toll may have reached 11,500.”

Since the 2010 earthquake, the U.S. and the international community’s record on Haiti reveals the same impulse to dominate rather than aid. As Center for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) Director Mark Weisbrotsaid, in a January 2014 report,

“The lasting legacy of the earthquake is the international community’s profound failure to set aside its own interests and respond to the most pressing needs of the Haitian people.”

Not much has changed since then, as CEPR’s 2018 report reveals that foreign aid to Haiti is still primarily being used to enrich U.S. corporations: Overall, just $48.6 million has gone directly to Haitian organizations or firms ― just over 2 percent. Comparatively, more than $1.2 billion has gone to firms located in DC, Maryland, or Virginia ― more than 56 percent…The difference is even starker when looking just at contracts: 65 percent went to Beltway firms, compared to 1.9 percent for Haitian firms.

Even more unforgivably, UN troops introduced cholera to post earthquake Haiti by dumping the waste from their portable toilets into a river tributary near their base in Haiti. Instead of Haiti bringing a hot mess to other countries, as Trump would have you believe, it was literally a shithole from the world’s most powerful governments that was dumped on Haiti—and it has resulted in a cholera epidemic that has killed over 10,000 people and sickened another one million.

This is why Trump’s decision to end the Temporary Protected Status for the Haitian refuges in the U.S. who fled after the earthquake isn’t only mean—it will actually be a death sentence for many.

With his analogy between Black people and feces, Trump has once again shown the world his commitment to wickedness, vulgarity, and racism. The people of Haiti are resilient and beautiful.  It is trump who is a living obscenity.  To drive home his disgusting anti-blackness, Trump commented at the same meeting on immigration that he wasn’t against more immigrants coming to the U.S. but that,

“We should have people from places like Norway.”

Right, white people.

My family was in Haiti for five days after the earthquake before we were evacuated back home to Seattle. Recovering from the experience emotionally and mentally has been very challenging. I still experience stressful situations with much more intensity and the time around the anniversary always raises my anxiety. Yet this anniversary will be a particularly difficult to mark for me, and all survivors of the earthquake, because of trumps impossibly putrid statements.

A white supremacist is in the White House. We need nothing less than a new Haitian revolution that connects with the movement for Black lives in the U.S. and brings down structures of racism across the African diaspora.

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Image result for HAITI CARTOON


Haiti was the first country in history where the slaves threw out their rulers.

It was also the first country in the world to outlaw slavery.

The result?

They’ve been under attack non-stop every since.

Why is Haiti so poor?

Because it’s been ripped off non-stop for over two hundreds years right up to the present day with the Clintons currently leading the looting.

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Haiti Helped Create Largest Revolt of Enslaved Africans in U.S. History

Haiti Helped Create Largest Revolt of Enslaved Africans in U.S. History. The “Independence Debt” with France and the Louisiana Purchase

The Triumphant Haiti Revolution help double the size of the U.S. Yet, the U.S.-EU nations continue to demean, malign and pillage Haiti.

Featured image: Jean Jacques Dessalines, president and then emperor of Haiti (Source: Wikimedia Commons)

So, sorting fiction from reality, which one is the “land of the free and the brave, the pioneers of human rights, freedom and liberty in the Western Hemisphere? Which nation didn’t make white folks 3/5ths human even after 300-years of brutal, rape and enslavement? But gave the few whites who fought alongside the African warriors, Haitian citizenship, full and equal rights?” Haiti, of course. 

The triumphant Haiti revolution triggered the selling to Thomas Jefferson of the Louisiana Purchase which doubled the size of the United States. Also, the second contingent of 20,000 soldiers sent by Napoleon to the Louisiana Territory for French control of all in the U.S. had to be redirected to go fight in Haiti after the Afrikan warriors, led by Desalin and the indigenous Haiti army, which Desalin called the “armies of the Incas,” decimated the first 50,000 French soldiers sent in 1802 and led by Bonaparte’s brother in law, General Lerclerc. Later, Desalin, Haiti’s founding father, declared, in the name of the slaughtered since 1492, “I have avenged America!”

This historical triumph of the enslaved Afrikans in Haiti – Black men, women and children – against the greatest and most well-armed European armies of the era – first the French, then Spanish, then English armies – a U.S. embargo and then Napoleon’s French armada, is what stopped the U.S. from possibly being conquered by the French, whose 20,000 troops were, at that point in U.S. history, larger and much more battle-experienced than the U.S. armed forces. Haiti’s win, helped make the U.S. the superpower that it is but it has been terrorized by the white tribes since its independence. President Thomas Jefferson conspired with General Napoleon Bonaparte and the rest of the slavers and rapists nations to force besieged and embattled Haiti to pay an Independence Debt that was 10 times more than what Jefferson paid for the Louisiana purchase. Yet, Haiti’s land mass is as small as Rhode Island. Jefferson paid Napoleon $15million francs for the Louisiana Purchase which ended up creating, in part and whole, 15 new American states.

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Haiti, a country smaller than Rhode Island was forced, at the point of 300 gunboat cannons, to pay ten times that amount – $150million to France as reparations for France losing Haitians as their slaves. (After this debt help cost Haiti to lose the Eastern side of the Island now called Dominican Republic, the amount was reduced to $90million Francs)

It took Haiti 122 years to finish paying this 1825 slave-trade debt. This moral perfidy, after the Afrikans gave 300 years of FREE labor (1503-1804) to the European terrorists, slavers, rapists, plunderers and colonists. Haiti is not the poorest country because it still has vast riches, protected by the Afrikans, for over 200 years from the grasp of the hoarders. But, it is the most exploited nation. Its resistance continues to this day….as under Barrack Hoe-bama, his U.S. colonial “exceptionalism,” its pretensions and the disaster capitalism of the devastating 2010 earthquake, Haiti has presumably lost, without world scrutiny, nearly 30% of its landmass. This, through Bill Clinton’s HRC – U.S. sanction of puppet president Martelly decrees that gerrymander and gives away, to the corporatocracy, Haiti offshore islands and prime lands. Through the Clintons’ World Bank amendment to Haiti constitution, if not stopped, Haiti will loses control of its gold belt, shorelines, iridium, oil and gas reserves, all the Caracol zone and Haiti’s Northern and Southern deep water ports.

It simply cannot be over-emphasized, how there’s no one in power to protect the bullied, disenfranchised and brutally suppressed Haiti masses from the international crime syndicate, now in Haiti behind a humanitarian front, which is steadily extracting rare earth metal resources and mining gold on another earthquake fault line in Haiti – the Septentrional fault line in the North. (See also, The dangers of building garment factories next to one of Haiti’s most important marine national parks/a US $3.2 trillion mangrove and coral reef ecosystem and Tourism is not development)

The Independence Debt that Haiti was forced to pay France for losing the grangrans as property, caused such internal dissatisfaction and protest within Haiti, that the destabilization (along with a devastating 1843 earthquake in Northern Haiti) allowed space for the Eastern side of Haiti to separate into what is today known as the Dominican Republic. The Spanish immediately pounced to retake this landmass. On its part, the French terrorists returned to Haiti with the Independence Debt, which meant controlling Haiti economically and then ecclesiastical colonialism, which meant controlling Haiti education…. Haiti has yet to recover. And then they all returned, a world war to stop the Black masses’ celebration of the Haiti bicentennial, in 2004, with a popularly elected Haiti president.

President Aristide was and is the first and only Haitian president to ask France to return the Independence Debt.

For that temerity, Bush the lesser, unleashed his shock and awe military on an island nation with no military, that was no threat but merely wished peaceful co-existence. To live free and sovereign on lands paid for in 300 years of free labor, over 214 years in containment in poverty; a 60-year U.S. embargo; a 19-year U.S. occupation where the Marines carted out Haiti gold reserves in 1914 never to be returned; and 122-years of paying off an Independent Debt to France to be recognized as a free nation after slavery and winning our Independence in combat and losing half the Black population (250,000) in that revolutionary war. (See, Haiti: Until She Spoke and, Three Simple Èzili principles for a Just New World)

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How Haitian earthquake relief efforts pulled off a huge con job, with the help of mainstream media


The following is an excerpt from the new book, The Great Haiti Humanitarian Aid Swindle, by Timothy T. Schwartz (CreateSpace, March 2017), available from Amazon and IndieBound.

The greatest financial outpouring of sympathy in history

The 2010 Haiti earthquake was followed by one of the great­est financial outpourings of sympathy in human history. The money given was nothing short of spectacular. All totaled, corporations and individ­uals would donate $3.1 billion to help Haiti earthquake victims. Foreign gov­ernments pledged another $10 billion in aid. To put it into global perspec­tive, all global disaster aid from private sources and from developed world governments amounted to $19 billion in 2010. That’s all the aid given for international disasters by every country on earth, from China to the U.S. to Sweden; and $13.1 billion of it went to Haiti. And it was donated in the midst of the worst reces­sion since the Great Depression.

Had it been handed over to the Haitian government it would have paid for thirteen years of the country’s national budget ($965 million in 2009). But it was not handed over to the Haitian government. Or rather, in that first year after the earthquake, the Haitian government got one percent of it. The other 99 percent of the money went to NGOs, among them Save the Children, the Red Cross, CARE International, Catholic Relief Services, Concern World­wide, Mercy Corps, Food for the Poor, and Feed the Hungry; it went to UN agencies such as UNICEF and the World Food Program; and it went to private humanitarian aid contractors, such as United States’ Chemonics and Development Alternatives Inc. (DAI).

The expectation was that these organizations were the entities best equipped to deal with the crisis in Haiti. They had vast experience in dealing with poverty throughout the world. Most were founded in the 1950s or earlier. And many of them had been in Haiti for half a century or more. They had unrivaled worldwide administrations, professionals, volunteers and consultants. The expectation was that not only were they the most able to put Haiti back together, but with the avalanche of donations they could create a new Haiti. They could set the country on the path to prosperity that had so miserably eluded her for the two centuries since Haiti gloriously became the second country in the Western hemisphere to win its independence.  As Bill Clinton said, “This is the best chance, even in spite of this horrible earthquake, the best chance Haiti ever had to escape the darker chapters of the past and build a brighter future.” He then sent up the rallying cry, “Build Back Better.”

The waste

The squandering and waste began almost immediately. The United Nations World Food Program (WFP) rented two luxury cruise ships, complete with maids and waiters. It was, at a cost $16.6 million for 90 days, a fee that Fox News investigators later discovered to be three times greater than its market value. Disaster clean up companies from the U.S. partnered with the Haitian-born Israeli Consulate and the Haitian president’s wife to win hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts to clean up rubble. They charged $68 per square meter, three times the scandalous $23 per cubic meter of debris they charged the U.S. government for clean-up after Hurricane Katarina and five times the $14 per cubic meter that Sean Penn’s team was, at that very moment, charging for cleaning up rubble in Haiti.

The U.S. government would get billed an average cost of $5,265 per temporary shelter built for earthquake victims, a figure more expensive than any other humanitarian shelter in the world. Much more expensive. It was almost twice the cost of its nearest competitor, the developed country of Georgia  where the UN paid $3,000 in 2009 for winterized cottages; it was five times the $910 cost that humanitarian organizations charged to provide a winterized temporary shelter to Afghanistan war refugees; and it was 18 times the $300 local cost in Haiti for materials to build a 12×10 foot shack with a concrete floor, plywood walls and corrugated metal roof.

Meanwhile, the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund, which had raised $47 million for victims of the Haiti earthquake, would take $2 million of that money and give it in the form of a low interest loan to one of Haiti’s richest families—the Madsens—so they could complete the construction of a luxury hotel. And the Clinton Foundation, which had collected $34 million, would provide over 1,000 children with classroom-trailers that had levels of formaldehyde wood preservative so high they caused the children and teachers who occupied them to fall ill. The manufacturer of the trailer-classrooms turned out to be Clayton Homes, a U.S. company that had also sold formaldehyde-drenched mobile homes to FEMA in 2004 and that, at the very moment the Clinton Foundation had purchased the classrooms for Haiti, was being sued by Hurricane Katrina survivors.

The stories go on and on. The NGO Food for the Poor was building permanent houses in Haiti before the earthquake for $2,000 per home. After the earthquake, the U.S. govern­ment partnered with Food for the Poor to build 750 of what were essentially the same houses, but at a cost of $38,000 per house, 19 times the pre-earthquake costs. Red Cross CEO Gail McGovern said that $100 million of the $500 million given to the Red Cross would go to “provide tens of thousands of people with permanent homes.” Five years later NPR would report that the charity had built six permanent homes.

Don’t misunderstand me. Not all the aid was squandered. Cost-effective short-term relief efforts did exist. Surgical teams from Doctors Without Borders, Partners in Health and hundreds of other medical relief organizations from all over the world came to Haiti and without them post-earthquake Haiti would have been a much greater hell. Sean Penn turned out to be an exception as well. Penn showed up nine days after the earthquake. He brought with him his charisma and a seemingly indefatigable disposition to say anything he pleased and curse out anyone who crossed him. Yet, he also turned out to have a talent for crisis management that embarrassed most NGO directors. In the first year, Penn spent $14 million of mostly celebrity-donated money. It was a tiny fraction of the $1.4 billion that was spent that year. Yet, his group cleaned up 20 percent of all the rubble in Port-au-Prince while attending to 5 percent of the camp refugees.

The cover-ups

Unfortunately, Sean Penn, Doctors Without Borders, and Partners in Health were exceptions that proved the rule. It is much easier to find examples of waste and absurd claims. And just as disturbing were the cover-ups and refusal to account for the money.

Disaster Accountability Project (DAP) examined the 196 organizations that got donations for earthquake relief and found that:

1. Only six had publicly available, regularly updated, factual situation reports detailing their activities.

2. Only one provided what DAP considered “complete and factual information.”

3. The majority—128—did not have factual situation reports available on their websites, relying instead upon anecdotal descriptions of activities or emotional appeals.

4. Many claimed to provide details of their activities on their blogs, but the blogs were almost entirely “appeals to emotion, pictures of children, and purely anecdotal accounts about touching moments during a particular delivery of relief.”

When DAP wrote to the NGOs and asked them to complete a short survey, 90 percent did not respond. DAP followed up with four more e-mail requests explaining the value and moral obligation donors had to be transparent and account for donations. That changed nothing. DAP director Ben Smilowitz concluded that, “most of them don’t care about coordination. They do their own thing on their own. They don’t share what they do. We don’t know what they do. And probably they don’t want us to know what they do.”

The greed

So, humanitarian agencies collected a mountain of donations in the name of Haiti earthquake victims, they largely squandered it, and they then refused to account for it. But… what this… is really about is how they got us to give the money. It’s about the exaggerations, truth-twisting and outright lies that humanitarian agencies used to get donors to give. And it’s about the international press’s role in spreading those lies and giving them credibility. For despite all the widely known waste and ineffi­ciency that we saw after the Haiti earthquake, despite the humanitarian agencies’ appalling lack of capacity and competence to get the money to the people for whom it was intended, and despite the astonishing surfeit of money that had already poured in, the aid agencies kept asking for more. And the overseas public kept giving it.

The International Federation of the Red Cross made an initial “emergency flash appeal” for $10 million to provide emergency assistance to 100,000 people. By January 30, three weeks after the quake, they were asking for $103 million to “assist up to 600,000 beneficiaries for a total of 3 years.” They would receive a total of $1.2 billion. That’s ten times what they had originally asked for. Save the Children originally called for $9.8 million in donations. When they reached that figure in a matter of weeks they raised their need to $20 million. By the end of the year they had collected $87 million, almost ten times their original request. World Vision asked for $3.8 million. But they then kept asking for more, and more, and more, until they had collected a total of $191 million. UNICEF originally called for $120 million. When they brought in $229 million in six months—almost double what they requested—they decided they needed another $127 million. Those are just a couple of examples. The NGOs and UN agencies were as a rule insatiable. In all post-earthquake Haiti, only Doctors Without Borders told donors they had enough money, and that was after bringing in a whopping $138 million. And it wasn’t just the big NGOs. Six months after the earthquake, musicians and performers were still coming out of retirement to do benefit concerts and school children were still setting up lemonade stands to help Haiti earthquake survivors.

The giving

It was this giving, this seemingly endless inclination of the overseas public to be charitable, that is the greatest marvel of the Haiti earthquake. “The real question,” stammered Blake Elis of CNN Money nine days after the quake, “is whether this surge of giving will continue.” Philanthropic fund­raising consultant Lucy Bernholz worried too, “The outpouring of support is great, but people lose interest [in disasters] really quickly.” The editor of the Chronicle of Philanthropy, Stacy Palmer, also worried: “Something has to happen to keep it on top of people’s minds, or they turn back to their own world.”

Something did indeed happen. What happened was a plethora of lies, exaggerations and truth-twisting, all targeted to elicit shock and sympathy from overseas donors and artfully disseminated by international media outlets that thrive on sensationalism and are, at least in the case of Haiti, incapable—if not totally disinterested—in sorting fact from fiction. And the reason I’ve written the book is not only to reveal the extremes the humanitarian aid agencies go to lie, pat themselves on the back, and ask for more money after squandering what we’ve already given them, and how the press unabashedly repeats those lies, but also because something has to be done to bring them to account. Forcing the humanitarian aid organizations to accurately and honestly identify the problems that afflict the poor and that they claim to be resolving is the first and necessary step to stopping the waste and outright embezzlement of money meant for the neediest people on earth. And the only way that’s going to happen is if people first learn just how bad it is.


Changing the narrative

When it was all said and done, in the anarchic hell that was ‘reportedly’ post-earthquake Port-au-Prince, with 2.3 million people homeless (so we were told), 316,000 dead (another exaggeration I’ll get to shortly), 4,000 of the country’s “most dangerous prisoners” escaped (most had never been tried and many were not criminals but political prisoners), 80 percent of buildings destroyed (wrong again), and unbridled hunger, hopelessness, and looting, the violence for the week following the earthquake was spectacularly low. The official tally:

  • Two Dominicans wounded—clearly intentional (what we don’t know is if they were trying to sell aid, as some Dominican truck drivers were doing).
  • One girl killed—apparently by a policeman’s bullet but ruled unintentional.
  • Two men that the police allegedly bound and executed (foreign journalists reported them as ‘looters’ but since in most cases the police were not only permitting looting but partaking in it, we can assume there is more to the story, such as the government order to shoot to kill escaped prison­ers).
  • A looter shot by a security guard—intentional (but we don’t know what happened prior to the shooting, if the man had threatened the guard, if he had returned several times, if there had been some kind of fight, if he was one of the higher profile escaped prisoners).
  • One cop shot by his partner—another accident, or so we think (the press reported that his partner mistook him for a looter).
  • At least two people beaten to death by vigilantes (in Haiti, vigilante justice is common, arguably one reason that crime isn’t as high as other countries, meaning—as a Haitian might say—that there are no police to protect the criminals from the population).

We are talking about a metropolitan area of 3 million people and in the wake of one of the worst disasters in the history of the Western hemisphere. It was considerably less violent than the Dominican Republic next door, where an average 55 people were being killed every week. No newspaper or television journalists reported that.

It’s not at all clear who went first, the press or the military, but on the 19th of January both abruptly changed the tone of their reports. Indeed, it was an about-face. General Keen, who only two days before had been getting ready to send the troops into the streets of Port-au-Prince, was suddenly acting like he had never been worried. “The level of violence that we see right now,” Keen declared, “is below the pre-earthquake levels.” U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates repeated the point. “There has been a lot less violence in Port-au-Prince,” he told reporters, “than there was before the earth­quake.”

On the 17th of January, the U.S. military commander was planning to send several battalions of the most elite armed forces on the planet into the streets of Port-au-Prince and put an end to the violence and mayhem that had engulfed the city. On the 18th the situation had worsened, all hell was breaking loose, martial law was imminent. But the very next day, the 19th, the marauding Haitian masses melted from the pages of newspapers and televisions screens and from the cross-hairs of the U.S. Southern Command’s automatic rifles and it was as if insecurity in post-earthquake Port-au-Prince had never been an issue at all.

UN peacekeepers, who spent much of the week sealed off inside fortified compounds, only venturing into the streets in tanks or armed details and insisting that no one else go out without an armed security escort, suddenly changed their tune as well. Acting as if they too had never been worried about anything, UN spokesman John Holmes told the press, “It’s very easy to convey the impression by focusing on a particular incident that there’s a major security law and order problem arising. But in our view, that is not the case.”

The press and military would change their rhetoric but the fear and restrictions would linger. The 20,000 troops and the thousands of aid workers who had come to provide emergency relief were now effectively scared shitless and under security restrictions. The UN had carved the city into color-coded zones. In red zones aid workers could not enter at all. In orange zones they had to have their windows rolled up and they could not get out of the vehicle. In yellow zones they could enter but only at certain times of the day. The least secure zones were, of course, the poorest. The aid that would subsequently go out to the impoverished areas that most needed it would be delivered in tightly controlled sites, drawing crowds that sometimes reached into the tens of thousands. There was massive frustration and resentment and in these areas a real security threat emerged, one surrounding the aid distribution itself. Then there were the green zones.

The green zones were safe. They were the wealthy areas where little to no aid was needed at all. Yet, they would soon be the sites of massive aid distribution. And not least of all, with their upscale bars and restaurants they would become economically thriving reprieves with skyrocketing inflation, where the cost of beer and nutritionally varied meals and comfortable hotel rooms soon rivaled or exceeded prices in Miami, Paris and Geneva. The green zones were aptly named: they were places where the people the poor call the boujwa (bourgeoisie) made new fortunes, or added to old ones.

In trying to understand what happened, I’m not sure if we can blame the military. Officers and soldiers are trained for war. That’s why we pay them. More at fault are the politicians and bureaucrats who sent them. The U.S. sent combat troops. After the fact, the U.S. government tried to rewrite history and tell us it was all for humanitarian work, something so transparently bogus it would be laughable if it were not for the tragic consequences. The fact is that U.S. government really did fear a break down in society. Almost everyone did. The real culprits, in my way of thinking, were the ones responsible for creating the fear. It was the members of the press who we rely on for the truth.

The mainstream media did what it always does to Haiti: in the name of selling newspapers and increasing television viewership it re-affirmed the image of Haiti that it created, an image of the macabre, the mad, and the malevolent; indeed, the ‘island of the damned’ where in the best of times ‘murder, rape and voodoo’ prevailed. In what has to be considered one of their most dishonorable moments, what should have been their opportunity to help, to quell the fear and smooth the way for rescuers and medical workers and the deliverers of aid, a moment when newspaper editors could have stepped in and made sure that responsible reporting ruled, much of the press corps failed. Indeed, they did worse. Television networks and newspapers unleashed a massive deployment of news professionals. But rather than telling us what was happening and responsibly reporting on the needs of the survi­vors, the press tried, in the name of readers and viewership, to entertain and scare the hell out of us. In the process, they set the ground work for a second disaster: the medical disaster and failed delivery of emergency….

But to finish here, on January 19, the U.S. State Department, U.S. military and the mainstream press suddenly backed off. And they didn’t really have a choice. The overwhelming evidence from the streets was that the mainstream press, the U.S. military and the State Department had it all wrong: Haiti was not an Armageddon of murder and mayhem. Independent journalists, such as Ansel Herz and overseas news outlets such as Canada’s CBC, were starting a media frenzy of their own criticizing the exaggerations and sensationalism. A chorus of criticism was also coming from medical NGOs such as the French Doctors Without Borders that had five planes carrying medical supplies which were diverted by the U.S. military. In the meantime, Hillary Clinton had flown into Port-au-Prince on January 16. The U.S. military shut the airport for three hours.

The entire U.S.-led relief effort was on the verge of becoming a massive embarrassment. It was becoming Obama’s Hurricane Katrina. Worse because Haiti was not on U.S. soil and yet the U.S. had taken upon itself the role of controlling the relief effort. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would put an interesting twist on the entire affair when she accompanied the U.S. about-face with a cable sent to U.S. Embassies around the world saying,

“I am deeply concerned by instances of inaccurate and unfavorable international media coverage of America’s role and intentions in Haiti. It is imperative to get the narrative right over the long term.”

Yes, get the narrative right. Clinton was talking, not to the mainstream U.S. press, which had been bolstering the case for military intervention and even blaming the U.S. for not taking firmer control of the streets of Port-au-Prince, but to the foreign press who were now blaming the U.S. for the loss of thousands of lives.

But whoever’s fault it was, the game was over. Suddenly Port-au-Prince was “safer than it had been before the earthquake.” And despite forthcoming sensationalism about rapes and sexually deviant child slave hunters, it would stay that way. The fear of violence suddenly gone, the news industry had lost a hot-selling story, and had to find a new one. They didn’t have to look far. By the middle of the first week after the quake rescue crews began to make a series of dramatic rescues. The rescues served on prime-time news shows as happy endings in the midst of so much trauma and despair. They sent television viewership skyrocketing. They made the U.S. government who funded most of it seem like heroes. And just like almost everything else to do with the press, the international aid industry, and politicians, there was a thick vein of bullshit running through the middle of it all….

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Water for Profit: Haiti Comes to Flint


What happens in Haiti doesn’t stay in Haiti. Sooner or later, it comes to places like Michigan’s Benton Harbor and Flint. Our destinies are linked. Zbigniew Brzezinski, a Polish aristocrat who long puppeteered United States presidents from behind the curtains, has written: “America is too democratic at home to be autocratic abroad. This limits the use of America’s power, especially its capacity for military intimidation.” I concur. As long as the US attempts to dominate the world and continues to dispense the violence commensurate with this ambition, it cannot expect to practice democracy at home.

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Mr. Brzezinski reasoned that the main impediment to imperial ambitions is that people will not willingly get killed in wars of conquest, but I believe there are more profound reasons why democracy cannot thrive under such circumstances. For one, the servants of empire develop a comfort with dictatorship that eventually compels them to cross the Rubicon, as they did in Roman times, and come home to continue the practice. Even more important, democracy cannot flourish where the rich are free to justify their money accumulation by rendering everyone and everything salable. A symptom of such pathology is the phenomenon of privatization.


Triple whammy

The battle has begun to privatize the functions of city governments, which really hold the commons and real wealth of any country. Water is at the center of this battle, and this includes waterfront property as well as drinking water. In Haiti, immediately after the earthquake of January 12, 2010, Bill Clinton pressured the government to declare an 18-month state of emergency, during which he could govern all the reconstruction as the co-chair of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC). There is little to show for more than $6 billion of aid funds to the IHRC besides a massive sweatshop complex, built for less than three percent of that amount, well away from the earthquake damage. Haiti’s mayors, the main impediments to the appropriation of land and water commons, were dismissed and replaced with Interim Agents appointed by a president who, in turn, had been installed by Hillary Clinton in May 2011 in a fraudulent election.


In Michigan, there was no earthquake as there was in Haiti. Instead, the disaster was slow and cumulative. Though Clinton is credited for most of it, it had the approval of Republicans and Democrats. First came the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of January 1994, which eliminated tariffs and other trade barriers between the US, Canada, and Mexico. Corporations like Whirlpool and General Motors moved their production to Mexico and abandoned those who had created their fortunes for generations as predominantly unionized laborers. The housing crash in 2008, due to the banking sector’s financial crimes, caused a rash of foreclosures. Finally, as more people fell into poverty, the federal government unraveled most social safety nets, including welfare and food stamps. The old manufacturing cities lost much of their population, together with their tax base. The residents who stayed, however, retained their power to vote despite being poor. Against this, the scions of corporate bosses, big property owners with plans of their own, continued to influence politics at the federal, state, and city levels. A clash between the poor and the rich of these cities became inevitable.


Ground zero, Benton Harbor

It is in Benton Harbor, a town of about 10,000 people on Lake Michigan, with 70 percent unemployment and a per-capita annual income of about $10,000, that the fight for America’s cities started. Whirlpool Corporation was the major employer and had its corporate offices there, when a plan was hatched to take 530 acres of the city, including a lakefront park, for conversion into a $500 million development called Harbor Shores, with multi-million dollar condos on the beach area and a Jack Nicklaus Signature Golf Course. In response, Reverend Edward Pinkney, a pastor and community leader, spearheaded the organization of the local 2008 elections and the recall of a mayor who had borrowed $3.2 million for the city, rather than require Whirlpool to pay its fair share of taxes. Opposition candidates won four commissioners seats and the mayoral seat: the five votes that were needed to control the City Commission.


Whirlpool got $3.87 million in tax breaks in 2010 and left Benton Harbor for Mexico in March 2011, but the corporate bosses’ influence remained. Soon thereafter, the state of Michigan declared Benton Harbor to be $5 million in debt and then orchestrated a land grab with Public Act 4: a new law that allowed the state government to appoint, for a city, an Emergency Manager (EM) that trumps all elected local officials. According to Reverend Pinkney, Michigan Governor, Rick Snyder, was beholden to Whirlpool, and Benton Harbor’s first EM, Joseph Harris, was a professional accountant close to Cornerstone Alliance, which is part of Whirlpool. The city’s water bills tripled and its jobs were outsourced, but Benton Harbor paid millions of dollars to demolish the houses of its poorer residents and got its golf course and lakefront condos for the rich. Reverend Pinkney was thrown in prison for up to 10 years on a bogus charge of tampering with the mayor-recall petition.


The fight for Flint

The rich of Michigan realized right away they had good thing in Public Act 4. The state began, almost immediately, to train hundreds of EMs for appointment to other cities. Governor Snyder ordered the city of Flint into receivership, also in 2011, and the state appointed an EM for it. With the departure of much of General Motors, which had begun there in 1908, the city had lost much of its tax base and had a budget deficit. Specifically, Flint went from about 200,000 people in the 1960s to about one half this number by 2011, when the median household income was around $25,000, and about 40 percent of the residents lived below the poverty line.


On April 25, 2014, by order of its EM, Flint began to get its water from the Flint River using a formerly retired plant, instead of the Detroit Water and Sewerage Department (DWSD), which had provided the city with treated water originating from Lake Huron. The reason for this decision is often given as a need to save money, but according to journalist Steve Neavling, in response to the potential loss of a major client, the DWSD made a number of proposals to Flint, including the offer of a deal that would have been 20 percent less expensive than switching. In fact, the DWSD suggested that there was a political aim to the switch. One possible such objective might have been to destabilize Detroit, in a domino effect, for the assignment of its own EM.


The story of Flint’s water contamination is no less tragic for being told many times. The corrosive water from the Flint River dislodged the protective scales from within the service water pipes and caused so much leaching of lead, that in some instances the water contained lead concentrations that would have been considered high even for toxic wastes! This happened because when residents complained about the brown coloration of the water, and later of infections with pathogenic Escherichia coli, the city hired two water-privatization companies, Veolia, and Lockwood, Andrews & Newman (LAN), to solve the problem. To save money, anticorrosives were not added to the water. The discoloration was treated by Veolia, which then declared the water safe to drink. Chlorination of the water in an attempt to disinfect it led to yet more leaching of lead. In addition the chlorine was removed by reactions with particles of iron in the water, and this led to growth of Legionella bacteria. In the end, thousands of people were poisoned with lead, including 9,000 children under the age of six, and 12 people died from Legionnaire’s Disease. All these facts about Flint’s water became public, not because of government watchdogs, but because of the efforts of citizen scientists who got assistance from scientists to analyze the lead concentrations in water and the blood of Flint’s children.


Two former Flint EMs, Darnell Earley and Gerald Ambrose, as well as several Flint Department of Public Works employees, face criminal charges for their roles in the Flint debacle. In addition, Michigan Attorney General Bill Schuette has filed a civil lawsuit in which Veolia and LAN are both alleged to have committed professional negligence and public nuisance, and Veolia is also alleged to have committed fraud. The city draws its water again from DWSD, but the damaged pipes continue to leach lead and, like Haitians who have come to depend on tanker-truck water for their food and drink, Flint residents subsist on bottled water.


Emergency Managers: a rich man’s antidote to local democracy

Michigan voters repealed Public Act 4 in 2012, which had disenfranchised the majority of the Michigan poor, who are overwhelmingly black, but the same year, the state passed Public Act 436, and this has been upheld after a court challenge. A fact sheet from Michigan State University Extension summarizes the law as follows:

“If an EM is appointed, this person is authorized to act for and in place of the local governing body and administrative officer of the community. The governing body only retains any powers authorized by the EM. The EM has broad powers to resolve the financial crisis and insure the fiscal accountability of the community to provide services for the health, safety and welfare of its residents.”


Like Bill Clinton in the IHRC in Haiti, EMs are appointed for 18 months with a possibility for indefinite renewal. Public Act 436 is a law that extracts all meaning from the word democracy and spits it out like so much trash onto a garbage heap. Nevertheless, many US cities are rearing to try similar laws. In effect, the EM law says that you can only have what you’ve got so long as somebody rich and powerful doesn’t want it. In a context of privatization, where everything can be bought and sold, groundwater, glacier water, rivers, and lakes may be sold, as can roads, bridges, parks, state houses, and museum artifacts. The rich, who would corral the sun and sky and put a meter on them if they could, are not treated as the threat they really are. Much lip service is given to the idea of water being a human right, as if, if this repeated enough times, it will become another platitude. But life is not worth living if there is nothing one would die for, and what is a human right but a right without which one would not be fully human, and life would not be worth living?

This is the third part of a series of articles that examine how water is snatched from cities and privatized.

See Part I and II below.

Water for Profit: Haiti’s Thirsty Season

By Dady Chery, May 12, 2017

Neocolonialism in Haiti, Water for Profit and the Cholera Epidemic

By Dady Chery, May 23, 2017


News Junkie Post | Dady Chery is the author of We Have Dared to Be Free. | Photograph one (featured image) from the archive of Joe Brusky; photographs five and eleven from the archive of Michigan Municipal League; cartoon six by Donkey Hotey; and photograph twelve from the archive of the US Department of Agriculture.

Posted in HaitiComments Off on Water for Profit: Haiti Comes to Flint

The “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti”: Humanist Peacekeeping or…?

On Sussex Drive in Ottawa, just a few steps away from the enormous US embassy, stands the Peacekeeping Monument. The structure titled “Reconciliation” was erected to honour the more than 125,000 Canadians who have served in United Nations peacekeeping forces since 1947. The current article documents one particular instance –the February 2004 intervention in Haiti – where the historical record conflicts with the “good peacekeeper” narrative communicated by the Canadian government, reiterated by the corporate media, and represented by “Reconciliation.”

Seeing themselves as a generous people, most Canadians also consider that their noble ideals are reflected in the foreign policy of their government. The importance of nurturing this positive image both at home and abroad is well ingrained in the national psyche and, every now and again, surveys are conducted to confirm its resilience.[1]

Walter Dorn, Associate Professor at the Royal Military College of Canada, writes that:

For Canadians, peacekeeping is about trying to protect people in mortal danger… about self-sacrifice as well as world service. These notions of courage and service resonate with the public, and politicians across the political spectrum have readily adopted the peacekeeping cause… Canadian support for its peacekeeping role has been so strong for so long that it has become a part of the national identity.[2]

Canada’s intervention in Haiti is represented and legitimized in such terms. On the very first line of the section of its website devoted to Haiti, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) boasts how

“Canada has committed to allocate $555 million over five years (2006-2011) to reconstruction and development efforts in Haiti.” Such “special consideration” is given to Haiti because “[t]he Government of Canada is committed to helping the people of Haiti improve their living conditions.”[3]

Unequivocally endorsing the government’s line as reiterated by its Ambassador to Haiti, Claude Boucher, Maclean’s Magazine answers its own question in an April 2008 feature article:

“it’s easy to forget that what Boucher says is true. Haiti is a less dangerous, more hopeful place than it has been for years, and this is the case, in part, because of the United Nations mission there and Canada’s involvement in it.”[4]

The Ottawa Initiative

In contrast to Maclean’s pronouncement, a growing number of international critics insist that what is happening in Haiti is instead an odious imperialist crime in which Canada is shamefully complicit.[5] These skeptics argue that in January, 2003 the Canadian government organized a meeting to plan the illegal and violent overthrow of the democratically-elected government of the small Caribbean nation for political, ideological and economic reasons.[6] The meeting, called the “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti,” was held at the government’s Meech Lake conference centre in Gatineau, Québec, on January 31 and February 1, 2003, one year before the February 29, 2004 coup d’état.

The extraordinary decisions taken at this gathering of non-Haitians were first leaked to the general public in Michel Vastel’s March 2003 article, published in French-language magazine l’Actualité. Under the prophetic title “Haiti put under U.N. Tutelage?,” Vastel described how, in the name of a new Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, parliamentarians of former colonial powers invited to Meech Lake by Minister Denis Paradis, decided that Haiti’s democratically-elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, had to be overthrown, a Kosovo-like trusteeship of Haiti implemented before January 1, 2004 while the US- subservient Haitian Army, the Forces armées d’Haiti (FAdH), would be reinstated alongside a new police force. The UN trusteeship project itself first surfaced in 2002 as mere rumor (or trial balloon?) in the neighboring Dominican Republic’s press.

Denis Paradis

While Canadian soldiers stood guard over Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince, the president of Haiti and his wife were put on an airplane by US officials before dawn on February 29, 2004. According to world-renowned African-American author and activist Randall Robinson, who interviewed several eye-witnesses, the aircraft was not a commercial plane. No members of the Aristide government and no media were at the airport as Mr. and Mrs. Aristide were effectively abducted and taken to the Central African Republic against their will, following a refueling stop in the Caribbean island of Antigua.


In its December 10, 2004 report titled “An Economic Governance Reform Operation,” the World Bank bluntly declared that (thanks to the coup),

The transition period and the Transitional Government provide a window of opportunity for implementing economic governance reforms with the involvement of civil society stakeholders that may be hard for a future government to undo.”[7]

Within the same post-coup period, said transitional government adopted a budget plan baptised “interim cooperation framework” (ICF) which outlined extensive privatization measures, accompanied by massive layoffs of public sector employees. This was done without the benefit of any legal sanction from a Haitian parliament. De facto Prime Minister Gérard Latortue, who was hand-picked by the U.S. to implement the ICF, promptly began the distribution of $29 million dollars to remobilized soldiers and paramilitaries whom the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) had recruited and trained for the coup over the previous years in neighboring Dominican Republic and whom Latortue dubbed “freedom fighters”. The announcement of special pay to Latortue’s “freedom fighters” was made within days of a December 6, 2004 announcement of new “aid to Haiti” by the Canadian government.[8]

As of September 2008, most of the objectives attributed to the Ottawa Initiative have come to fruition. Haiti’s democratically–elected government has been overthrown, the country has been put under UN tutelage, new armed forces have been formed, and former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide is still in exile. As for Canada’s promised “improvement to living conditions”, such improvements can easily be demonstrated for the over 9000 foreign troops (police and military) whose salaries have in many instances doubled during their tour with the UN force in Haiti (MINUSTAH). However, as far as the overwhelming majority of Haitians are concerned, there are no reasons to rejoice. In the past five years, they have been subjected to an unprecedented wave of kidnappings, rapes and murders, among other forms of urban violence. The Haitian state has been further weakened and destabilized. The trauma and social divisions of the Haitian people have been greatly exacerbated as a consequence of the coup. Understandably, many charge that the R2P doctrine has proven to be “a nightmarish and violent neo-imperialist experiment gone terribly mad” conducted on Haitians in blatant contravention of international law.[9]

At the time of the first leak of the Ottawa Initiative meeting to the public, Canadians of Haitian origin warned Prime Minister Jean Chrétien not to engage in such “a foolish adventure in neocolonialism.”[10] But these warnings were to no avail. After several changes in government in Ottawa, there is no indication of any change in policy. On the contrary, Canadian officials are steadfastly implementing the same ill-fated policy while disingenuously diverting blame for failure onto its victims. Does it not speak volumes that in Haiti, as in foreign-occupied Iraq or Afghanistan, kidnappings and the “brain drain” are two phenomena that have markedly intensified with the arrival of the foreign troops?[11]

Four shaky pillars

The post-coup regime in UN-occupied Haiti rests on four unstable pillars: money, weapons, class solidarity and racism.

Money: Those who call the shots in Haiti today are those who control the bank accounts. Contrast, for example, the $600 million budget of the UN force with that of the Republic of Haiti. The latter grew from $300 million in 2004-05 to $850 million in 2005-06 to 1.8 billion in 2006-07 and finally to $2 billion in 2008-09, with the caveat that above 60% of the budget is dependent on foreign sources and their associated conditions. President Préval’s pleas for MINUSTAH tanks to be replaced by construction equipment remain as futile as they are incessant.[12] The “grants” allocated to Haiti at never-ending donors’ conferences are largely directed towards the donor’s own selected non-governmental organizations.

In response to last year’s food riots, Préval vowed in a speech delivered in Creole that he would no longer subsidize foreign rice imports but would instead stimulate the production and consumption of Haitian rice. This statement was retracted in a matter of hours, and Préval announced instead that he was in fact using the country’s meager resources to subsidize imported (American) rice to reduce the retail price by 16 percent.[13] The balance of power being what it is in these complex relationships, Haiti is expected to accept without a whimper the poisoned gifts “donated” by her generous benefactors in the name of “peace” or “humanitarian aid.” I recall how in 1997, when confronted with the poor quality of a foreign “expert’s” report submitted to the Minister, a junior Canadian NGO staff person, who was supposedly working in support of Haiti’s Ministry of Environment, arrogantly interjected that “beggars cannot be choosers.”

Weapons: MINUSTAH, comprised of some reputedly ruthless forces of repression including those of Brazil, China, Jordan and the U.S. has no rival on the ground in terms of sheer fire power. MINUSTAH’s marching orders are especially clear following the “suicide” of its former military leader, Brazilian General Bacellar, who was found dead on January 7, 2006, following a night of heated exchange with members of Haiti’s business elite who were openly critical of him for being too “soft” with “slum gangs”, “bandits” or “chimères.” MINUSTAH serves the role of place holder for the defunct Haitian army (FAdH), the traditional tool by which Haiti’s elites and their foreign allies have kept the “black masses” under control.

In the context of a country with an estimated 210,000 firearms (the vast majority of which remain securely in the hands of its ruling families and businesses)”, writes Peter Hallward, “it may be that a ‘chimère’ arsenal of around 250 handguns never posed a very worrying threat.”[14]

The dramatic increase of weapons entering Haiti by way of Florida immediately after the 2004 coup suggests that the powers in place aren’t willing to take any chances.

Class solidarity: By caricaturing the base of support for the toppled Lavalas government as a violent underclass of “chimères” (monsters), mainstream media inside and outside of Haiti helped the coup forces to gather much sympathy. The attack on Lavalas was systematic, but the casualties of the coup went far beyond a single political party. Today, there remains not a single political party in Haiti which is independent of the foreign forces. Préval himself declares that he does not belong to a political party.[15] The Lespwa platform under which he was elected is already in shambles. Hallward provides an in-depth analysis of 20 years of efforts deployed by the US and its allies to destroy Haiti’s emerging popular democracy. The devastating impact of the assassinations in the 1990s of key figures of the progressive bourgeoisie linked to Lavalas, such as the Izmery brothers, attorney Guy Malary, agronomist and journalist Jean Dominique, are key to understand the class struggle still unfolding in Haiti. The web of connections between the Port-au-Prince-based ambassadors, NGO directors, food importers and sweatshop owners, all of whom live in the same neighborhoods, send their kids to the same schools and have developed an acute sense of (Apartheid-like) community is an important element that remains to be thoroughly researched, documented and analyzed. Meanwhile, mainstream media continues to propagate the stereotypes which sustain this mentality of a “besieged class” that must be protected from “savage others.”[16]

In order to meet the class-based “responsibility to protect” they have assumed in post-Aristide Haiti, Canada, the US, the UN and the Préval Government are steadfastly enforcing undemocratic and illegal practices such as the maintenance in African exile of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the exclusion of his Fanmi Lavalas party from the Senatorial elections of April 19, 2009[17]. Clearly, rather than contribute to inter-Haitian reconciliation, social appeasement or political stability, such practices further exacerbate political tensions among a people that has heroically struggled for peace but have consistently been denied the benefit of genuine international brotherhood.

Racism: The lingering influence of white supremacist ideology in world affairs is seldom referred to in mainstream publications about Haiti. Yet, it is a key pillar of the Ottawa Initiative and the R2P doctrine on which it was predicated. Indeed, the racial features of the conflict brewing in Haiti are quite visible.

At the international level, the anti-coup and pro-Haitian sovereignty positions adopted by members of the US Congressional Black Caucus, the nations of the Caribbean and Africa, have consistently stood in sharp contrast to those in the US White House, Canada and Europe.

In Haiti, the black majority stands in opposition to a foreign-backed minority represented by the likes of white American sweatshop owner André Apaid, his brother-in-law and unsuccessful presidential candidate Charles Baker, American Rudolph Boulos, his brother Reginald Boulos, Hans Tippenhauer, (uncle and nephew of the same name), Jacques Bernard, etc.[18]

The similarities abound with the 1915 US occupation of Haiti which resulted in the imposition of a string of light-skinned, U.S.-subservient, dictators ruling Haiti: Sudre Dartiguenave, Louis Borno, Elie Lesco, Louis Eugene Roy and Stenio Vincent. As in 1915-1934, members of Haiti’s black majority resisting the humiliating occupation of their land today are deemed to be a horde of “bandits” who endanger “private property.” Back in the 20th century the private property being protected by Yankee troops was mostly American. Today, MINUSTAH’s ‘responsibility to protect’ also extends to important Canadian investments such as Gildan Active Wear’s sweatshops and Ste-Geneviève Resources’ gold exploration concessions.[19]

In a research paper titled Defining Canada’s role in Haiti, Canadian Armed Forces Major J.M. Saint-Yves writes that:

While the solutions may sound colonial in nature it is clear that the endemic corruption of Haitian society will prevent the establishment of a sound economic solution to Haiti’s problems under Haitian control. Rather, foreign investment under foreign control is required to establish a new Haitian economy based on industries that will directly benefit the rural Haitian population”.[20]

As we will see in further detail, the “foreign control” Saint-Yves is calling for is already in place. But, it appears that the results of such racist and imperialist take-over have thus far proven to be the kind of ugly orphan that no one wants to officially claim as their own.

Documenting Canada’s Role

From the early hours of the coup, Haitian-American activist and attorney Marguerite Laurent has been a powerful and relentless voice denouncing the overthrow of the Aristide government and in documenting its consequences for thousands of people worldwide.

“If justice, and not power, prevailed in international affairs,” writes Laurent, “the coup d’état corporatocracy in Haiti, that is, the governments (US/France/Canada), international banks and rich multinational corporations, and their Haitian minions who funded the overthrow of Haiti’s elected government, would be paying reparations to the people of Haiti who lost and continue to lose loved ones, property, and limbs.”[21]

Ten days after the coup, Stockwell Day, then-foreign affairs critic for the Conservative opposition, declared in Parliament that

we have an elected leader Aristide. We may not have wanted to vote for him… But the (Canadian) government makes a decision that there should be a regime change. It is a serious question that we need to address. That decision was based on what criteria?”[22]

At first, the Liberal government attempted to cast doubt on whether the infamous coup-plotting meeting of January 31, 2003 ever took place. Records of a March 19, 2003 Senate hearing titled “Meeting on Regime Change in Haiti” include Senator Consiglio Di Nino inquiring about a “secret initiative referred to as the “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti” that is being led by the Secretary of State for La Francophonie.” The Senator asked:

“Can the leader of the government in the Senate tell us if this meeting actually took place?” to which Liberal Senator Sharon Carstairs answered: “I cannot honestly say whether this meeting took place. I have no information whatsoever on such a meeting.”[23]

Since this exchange in the House of Commons, successive governments – Liberal and Conservative alike – have steadfastly pursued the agenda developed under “The Ottawa Initiative on Haiti”, the minutes of which have yet to be made available as requested by New Democratic Party MP Svend Robinson. Vancouver-based Journalist Anthony Fenton, who eventually obtained a severely edited set of documents concerning the meeting and its aftermath under Access to Information, wrote to the author as follows:

It remains a reasonable question to ask why these full, uncensored minutes haven’t been tabled in the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs. Since the coup, the same committee has heard Haiti-specific testimony on at least thirteen separate occasions. Between May and June of 2006, the Committee heard from over thirty ‘witnesses,’ in the course of conducting their ‘Study on Haiti.’ This resulted in the December 2006 tabling of the ‘Report of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, Canada’s International Policy Put to the Test in Haiti.’

Fenton notes that, of course, no reference to a coup or Ottawa Initiative is to be found in the Report or the Government’s response.

In “Canada in Haiti: Waging War on The Poor Majority,” written with colleague Yves Engler, Fenton documents various aspects of Canada’s involvement in the 2004 coup d’état.[24] Of particular note is the role CIDA played in both the destabilization campaign that prepared the way for the coup and the PR campaign which followed. In Damming the Flood, a book published by UK-based Canadian author Peter Hallward, Canada is deemed to have executed “its client functions in rare and exemplary fashion” in the eyes of the US, the ultimate leader of the multinational coup. “Canada’s foreign minister Pierre Pettigrew reportedly met with leading figures in the anti-Aristide opposition and insurgency shortly before the February coup and, as we have seen,” Hallward continues, “CIDA provided significant financial assistance to pro-coup pressure groups like the National Coalition for Haitian Rights-Haiti (NCHR-Haiti) and SOFA.”[25]

Upon analysis, the case of CIDA’s funding to NCHR-Haiti is particularly disturbing in that it provides direct evidence of collusion between the highest level of Canadian government and a pro-coup NGO of much disrepute in the eyes of Haitians and international observers alike. NCHR-Haiti is said to have caused great harm to the cause of peace and justice in Haiti. Chiefly among NCHR-Haiti’s damages, critics often point to the wrongful jailing of Haiti’s Prime Minister Yvon Neptune for over two years on trumped-up charges that were – through the CIDA/NCHR-Haiti connection – essentially financed by Canadian tax-payers. NCHR-Haiti has been so discredited on account of the Yvon Neptune wrongful imprisonment scandal that its US-based parent organization demanded that it change its name, which has since been modified to Réseau national de défense des droits humains (RNDDH).

In his well-researched article “Faking Genocide,” Kevin Skerrett writes that:

Within days of the coup, accusations of Prime Minister Neptune’s responsibility for a major massacre, a “genocide” of 50 people, were published by a human rights organization called the National Coalition for Haitian Rights-Haiti (NCHR-Haiti)…The particular episode of violence and political killings for which Neptune was being blamed took place in the city of St. Marc on February 11 2004, during the three-week “death squad rebellion” that began February 5 in Gonaives and was then spreading through the north of Haiti. The attacks launched through this “rebellion” culminated in the coup of February 29.[26]

Documents obtained in 2007 through Anthony Fenton’s Access to Information Request (CIDA A-2005-00039) reveal that, in the name of the victims of coup violence, NCHR-Haiti submitted a $100,000 project to CIDA on Friday March 5, 2004. By Monday March 8, Mr. Yves Petillon, Chief of Canadian Cooperation at the Embassy in Haiti, received a recommendation from his staff to approve the funding and on Thursday, March 11 (within less than 5 working days from the original submission), Mr. Pétillon signed and approved the 10 page grant request. As someone with over 17 years of experience in the federal grant funding world, the author can attest that this is an unusually rapid response time.

In their March 5 funding proposal, the applicants wrote:

“Just as NCHR aided and assisted victims of the Lavalas regime, the organization has the obligation to do the same for Lavalas supporters now coming under attack.”

Yet, the same document confirms NCHR’s deliberate decision to limit the dates covered by the victims’ fund to February 9 through 29, 2004. Thus, they purposely exclude the victims of anti-Lavalas violence which peaked as the death squad “rebellion” hit Gonaives in the first days of February and in the days following Aristide’s removal on February 29, 2004. In addition, NCHR openly refused to enter the Bel Air neighborhood to investigate widespread reports of killings of unarmed Lavalas supporters by foreign occupiers in early March 2004.[27]

Two days after the coup, in an interview given to journalists Kevin Pina and Andrea Nicastro, Prime Minister Yvon Neptune declared:

“The resignation of the President is not constitutional because he did that under duress and threat. The chief of the Supreme Court was brought here into my office by representatives of the international community. I was not invited or present when he was sworn in”.[28]

In sharp contrast to the CIDA-funded reports produced by NCHR-Haiti, the above statement goes a long way to explain the true motivations behind the illegal incarceration and torment suffered by Haiti’s constitutional Prime Minister during the post-coup period when “Haitian” justice and prison systems effectively fell under Canadian control. While Mr. Neptune was being punished in jail for his refusal to condone the coup, Paul Martin went to Haiti in November 2004. This was the first ever official visit of a Canadian Prime Minister to Haiti. During his visit, Martin, who dubs himself a proud champion of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, was quoted by Agence France Press as saying that “there are no political prisoners in Haiti.”[29]

Haiti’s Prime Minister, Yvon Neptune, was eventually freed under René Préval’s presidency. His release occurred after all risk was effectively cleared that dozens of illegally incarcerated top leaders of Fanmi Lavalas would register and win the foreign controlled elections of 2006.

Months after his return to Canada, Prime Minister Martin was publicly denounced by activist Yves Engler with the infamous heckle “Martin lies, Haitians die” for his shameful behavior in Haiti. During another episode of colourful protest, Engler decorated then Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew’s hands in the red of Haitian blood. For his efforts, Engler ended up spending several days in jail.[30]

What is becoming clearer is the hugely embarrassing contradiction between the multi-million dollar contributions which the Canadian government boasts having made to help fix the Haitian police and justice systems and the fact that said systems are deemed by several independent studies to be in much worse shape several years after the coup. The suggestion that this “failure” is solely that of Haitians also falls flat in the face of scrutiny. Consider the bold statements made by Chief Superintendent David Beer, Director General of International Policing at the RCMP at the April 3, 2008 meeting of The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development:

“Mr. Chair, I think the committee might be interested to know that although our numbers are down to a certain degree in the total number of almost 1,900 serving police officers, in the mission Canada continues to have very key roles. Indeed, Canada holds the position of deputy commissioner of operations, senior mentor and advisor, and senior mentoring unit for the police for the city of Port-au-Prince. We are in charge of the Bureau de la lutte contre le trafic des stupéfiants, the counter-narcotics unit. We’re also in charge of the anti-kidnapping unit. We also contribute to border management, the academy, and la formation de la police nationale. Also, we’re involved in a financial integrity and assets management project within the Haitian National Police. Finally, Mr. Chair, the vetting and registration of the HNP is also a responsibility of a Canadian police officer”. [31]

The conspicuous exchange of funds between CIDA and NCHR-Haiti which financed Mr. Neptune’s ordeal may never make the front pages of Maclean’s Magazine or the Globe and Mail. Generally speaking, Canadians meet with great surprise and disbelief the recurring corruption scandals involving their political elite. One of the cases currently in front of the courts involves former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney who is accused of having accepted bribes in cash, while in office, from German arms dealer Karlheinz Shreiber. Many are shocked by the case. However, that the Mulroney-Shreiber deal in question allegedly involved the purchase of weapons destined to “peacekeeping” has attracted no special attention. If anything, it seems, Brian Mulroney stands to benefit from the “peacekeeping” connection that he volunteered about his dealings with the infamous arms dealer.

Peace Be Unto Them . . . With Tanks and Bullets

In fact, bloody foreign interventions dubbed ‘peacekeeping’ enjoy such a positive aura in Canada that para-governmental bodies such as FOCAL are openly calling for Canada to engage ever deeper in the imperialist adventure that is The Ottawa Initiative.


It is this aura which inspires military figures such as Major Michael D. Ward to write that

“strong commitment to the sovereignty [and] independence … of Haiti is a crucial barrier to the international engagement required to rebuild and reform the Haitian state.”[32]

Such crude and condescending statements explain why the North-South Institute cautioned, as early as October 2005, that

“The Canadian government’s justification for the 2004 intervention in Haiti, without open debate from an R2P perspective, has damaged the R2P campaign, particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean.”[33]

The CIDA-funded think tank proceeds to lament how ‘peace-building’ in Haiti has been compromised by de facto collaboration with paramilitary leaders responsible for past human rights violations.

In the very document produced by the R2P Commission, it was boldly highlighted how governments engaged in such interventions must prove themselves to be very agile at spinning and controlling information.

“The key to mobilizing international support,” it states, “is to mobilize domestic support, or at least neutralize domestic opposition.”

Further, it highlights the crucial role that government-funded entities (wrongly referred to as ‘non-governmental agencies’ – NGOs) have to play in this regard:

“NGOs have a crucial and ever increasing role, in turn, in contributing information, arguments and energy to influencing the decision-making process, addressing themselves both directly to policy makers and indirectly to those who, in turn, influence them.”[34]

It thus falls to heavily-funded NGOs to ensure that racism is seen as humanism and imperialism as peacekeeping – no matter the native body count. It is hardly surprising, then, that in the eyes of people of African-descent worldwide, Canada’s “good” image has suffered a considerable blow as a result of the 2004 coup and its aftermath.

Commenting on the food riots that rocked Haiti in April 2008, veteran journalist John Maxwell, wrote in the Jamaica Observer:

“Today, and especially for the last few weeks, the starving people in Haiti have been trying to get the world to listen to their anguish and misery…Mr Bush and Mr Colin Powell and a mixed gaggle of French and Canadian politicians had decided that freedom and independence were too good for the black people of Haiti. Lest you think I am being racist, there is abundant evidence that the conspiracy against Haiti was inspired by racial hatred and prejudice…I have gone into this before and I will not return to it today . . . Suffice it to say that the US, Canada and France, acting on behalf of the so-called ‘civilised world’, decided on the basis of lies that, as in the case of Iraq, a free and independent people had no business being free and independent when their freedom and independence was seen to threaten the economic interest of the richest people in Haiti and, by extension, the wealthiest countries in the world”.[35]


According to Walter Dorn, there exist two groups of advocates of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine.

“The idealist or internationalist school often clashes with the realpolitik school, whose members are usually called realists (although not necessarily realistic),” says the military professor. “Canadian realists hold that Canada’s contributions do not arise from the purity of our souls or national benevolence, but because of basic national interest.” Dorn tells us that, for the realists, “Canada’s large contributions to the UN’s successive missions in Haiti are also explained in part by a desire to assist the US in the continental backyard.

Speaking about his own ‘civilized world’s responsibility to protect ‘others’ in early 2003, then-Minister for la Francophonie Denis Paradis was quoted by journalist Michel Vastel as follows:

I do not want to end up like Roméo Dallaire…” “Time is running out because, it is estimated that Haiti’s population could reach 20 million in 2009,” observed Vastel, before proceeding to quote Minister Paradis describing Haiti’s 99 percent African population as “a time bomb which must be stopped immediately! ”[36]

It is frightening for a historically-conscious person, especially one of African descent, to observe how the logic of Rudyard Kipling’s ‘White man’s burden’ emanates so easily from the minds of high-ranking Canadian officials and intellectuals, and then is translated into foreign policy that is implemented with brute force. As Sherene Razack writes in Black Threats, White Knights,

Peacekeeping today is a kind of war, a race war waged by those who constitute themselves as civilized, modern and democratic against those who are constituted as savage, tribal and immoral.”[37]

Luigi Einaudi

A report issued by the International Commission argues that

“there is much direct reciprocal benefit to be gained in an interdependent, globalized world where nobody can solve all their own problems: my country’s assistance for you today in solving your neighbourhood refugee and terrorism problem, might reasonably lead you to be more willing to help solve my environmental or drugs problem tomorrow.”[38]

One is indeed well advised to ask the crucial question: What are they talking about as far as R2P is concerned? This so-called responsibility is to protect who from what? Are soldiers being mobilized to protect vulnerable populations from massive human rights horrors or to protect the interests of world elites from threats such as Haiti’s perceived black “time bomb”, or Europe from the advances of the wretched of the earth arriving by way of Morroco and Spain?

While seeking the answer to that pivotal question, I am mindful of the shocking statement made by the Assistant Secretary General of the OAS, in front of myself as well as several other witnesses at Haiti’s Hotel Montana, on December 31, 2003:

“The real problem with Haiti” said Luigi Enaudi, “is that the ‘International Community’ is so screwed up & divided that they are actually letting Haitians run Haiti.

Less than two months after Einaudi uttered these words, US Marines entered the residence of Haiti’s president, while Canadian RCMP soldiers secured the airport to facilitate the coup and occupation of Haiti. Since that fateful night, Haitians are no longer running Haiti and the bloodbath the foreign invaders claim to have intervened to avoid has reached unprecedented proportions, with full involvement of the UN forces engaged in what can only be defined as class and race warfare. Meanwhile, the world still awaits a serious report on the circumstances surrounding the death of U.N. Commander Urano Teixeira Da Matta Bacellar, at Hotel Montana, on January 7, 2006.

Bill Graham & Colin Powell

“there is a limit to how much we can constantly say no to the political masters in Washington. All we had was Afghanistan to wave. On every other file we were offside. Eventually we came onside on Haiti, so we got another arrow in our quiver.”

Bill Graham, Former Canadian Foreign Minister in January 2007 interview cited in Janice Gross Stein and Eugene Lang, The Unexpected War: Canada in Kandahar (Toronto, ON: Viking Canada, 2007), pp. 126-27

What Should Canadian Policy Towards Haiti be? – beyond figurehead politics… making a real paradigm shift!

Contrary to the IMF style of “aid”, the Cuba-Venezuela model is, in essence, what activists for peace with justice have been advocating for several years. Unfortunately, successive Canadian governments have chosen to ignore this message and, instead, have multiplied workshops, conferences, meetings (usually, with little or no Haitian participation) to coordinate even more “aid” to Haiti. This is done in blatant disregard of the evidence that Haiti has, for far too long, been “aided to death” by its self-appointed foreign friends.

The appalling poverty found in Haiti is no recent phenomenon due to “bad governance,” as is often posited by apologists for the violent conquest of this continent. The endemic vulnerability of the African and First Nations populations of the Americas stems from 500 years of inhumane colonial and neo-colonial policies. A strategy consisting in piling up money and weapons, while patching up a brick school, a dispensary and a few prisons in return for shameless waving of countless Canadian flags, is no solution at all.

Commenting the current world hunger crisis, Jeffrey Sachs suggested that the long-term solution involves putting brakes on the U.S. ethanol industry, creating a $5-billon fund for agriculture, and financing better research and development for crop technologies in the developing world.[39] Laudable goals, indeed! However, judging from the Haitian experience, governments of enriched societies who built their wealth on racial slavery, theft of indigenous land and shameful trickery of the world financial system, can hardly be counted upon to make such a radical 180 degree conversion. It will necessitate a mass mobilization of peoples worldwide to force these urgently needed changes. Reversing the situation requires us all to force the enriched states to adopt new policies and approaches, rather than rehashing the same old racist practices, masked or not, with clever and cynical humanitarian rhetoric. Their challenge is to first stop doing harm, and then repair the damage already done. Our challenge is to consistently practice genuine people-to-people solidarity.


[1] “World Sees Canada as Tolerant, Generous Nation,” Angus Reid Global Monitor : Polls & Research (November 12, 2006).

[2] Walter Dorn, “Canadian Peacekeeping: Proud Tradition, Strong Future?” Canadian Foreign Policy, Vol. 12, No. 2, (Fall 2005)

[3] Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) website []

[4] Michael Petrou, “Haiti: Are we helping?,” Mclean’s (April 7, 2008)

[5] See Marguerite Laurent, “It’s Neither Hope nor Progress when the International Community is Running Haiti,” Haitian Lawyers Leadership Network, [] and Aaron Lakoff, “The Politics of Brutality in Haiti: Canada, the UN and “collateral damage,” Dominion Paper (January 21, 2006).

[6] Anthony Fenton and Dru Oja Jay, “Declassifying Canada in Haiti” Global Research []; and Canada Haiti Action Network website []

[7]Report No. 30882-HT, “Program Document of TheInternational Development Association to the Executive Directors for an Economic Governance Reform Operation”, World Bank, (December 10, 2004)

[8] DeWayne Wickham, “Payoffs to Haiti’s renegade soldiers won’t buy peace,” USA Today (January 3, 2005)

[9] Jean Saint-Vil, “Please Fix Canada’s Policy Towards Haiti,” Letter to Minister Peter McKay, (May 29, 2008) [www.]

[10] Jean Saint-Vil. “New Canadian Premier Gets Sound Advice on Haiti,” Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper, (February 6, 2006) [www.]

[11] Five LDCs — Haiti, Cape Verde, Samoa, Gambia and Somalia — have lost more than half their university-educated professionals in recent years because these professionals have moved to industrialized countries in search of better working and living conditions. UNCTAD, “Least Developed Countries Report 2007: Knowledge, Technological Learning and Innovation for Development” [] (July 19, 2007)

[12] President René Préval’s Inaugural Speech, Haiti, (May 14, 2006) []

[13] The New York Times appears to have been better connected to the real powers running the show in Haiti. Because of its precipitous attribution of the price reduction measure to Mr. Préval, the Times issued a correction note dated April 10, 2008, in which one reads “A picture caption last Thursday about rioting in Haiti over high food prices misstated President Rene Préval’s position on the issue. He urged Haitians to become agriculturally self-sufficient; he did not say he would urge Haiti’s congress to cut taxes on imported food.” See “Haiti’s President Tries to Halt Crisis Over Food,” New York Times (April 10, 2008).

[14] Cited in Robert Muggah, “Securing Haiti’s Transition,” Small Arms Survey Occasional Paper no. 14 (October 2005)

[15] In interview with Haitian President René Préval, March 2006, Ottawa.

[16] “An Inside Look at Haiti’s Business Elite, An Interview with Patrick James,” Multinational Monitor (January/February 1995)

[17] HAITI: Fanmi Lavalas Banned, Voter Apprehension Widespread, By Jeb Sprague, IPS (april 17, 2009)

[18] Jean Saint-Vil, “Haiti’s ‘Ambassador’ to Canada” Znet (June 9, 2005) []

[19] Reed Lindsay, “Haiti’s future glitters with gold,” Toronto Star (July 21, 2007)

[20] Maj. J.M. Saint-Yves, “Defining Canada’s Role in Haiti”, (Toronto: Canadian Forces College Master of Defence Studies Research Project, 2006), []

[21] Marguerite Laurent, “Debt Breeds Dependency Equals Foreign & Corporate Domination” [], (January 4, 2005)

[22] Hansard,House of Commons, 37th Parliament, 3rd Session (March 10, 2004)

[23] Hansard, Debates of the Senate, 2nd Session, 37th Parliament,
 (March 19, 2003)

[24] “Using NGOs to Destroy Democracy and the Canadian Military Connection,” excerpt from: Canada in Haiti Waging War on the Poor Majority by Yves Engler and Anthony Fenton. Fernwood Publishing, 2005

[25] Peter Hallward, “Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide and the Politics of Containment”, Verso Books, 2007

[26] Kevin Skerrett, “Faking Genocide: Canada’s Role in the Persecution of Yvon Neptune,” Znet (June 23, 2005) []

[27] Tom Reeves, “Haiti’s Disappeared,” Znet [] (May 5, 2004)

[28] Kevin Pina and Andrea Nicastro, “Interview with Prime Minister Yvon Neptune,” Haiti Action (March 2, 2004) []

[29] “Canada in Haiti for long run, says PM,” Caribbean Net News (November 19, 2004)

[30] Marcella Adey and Jean Saint-Vil, “Human Rights worker arrested for heckling Prime Minister Paul Martin” (December 4, 2005)

[31] Hansard, 39th Parliament, 2nd Session, Number 021 “Evidence” Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development, (April 3, 2008)

[32] Major Michael T. Ward, “The Case for International Trusteeship in Haiti” Canadian Forces Journal, vol. 7, no. 3 (Autumn 2006)

[33] Stephen Baranyi, “What kind of peace is possible in the post-9/11 era?” North-South Institute , (October 2005)


[35] John Maxwell, “Is Starvation Contagious?” Jamaica Observer (April 13, 2008)

[36] Michel Vastel, “Haiti mise en tutelle par l’ONU?” L’Actualité, (March 15, 2003)

[37] Sherene H. Razack, “Black Threats & White Knights: The Somalia Affair, Peacekeeing, and the New Imperialism”, University of Toronto Press, (2004)

[38] ICISS, “Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty” (page 71), [] (December 2001)

[39] Sinclair Stewart, “Facing a food crisis, optimist finds hope in the dismal science,” The Globe and Mail (Wednesday April 30, 2008)

Posted in Canada, HaitiComments Off on The “Ottawa Initiative on Haiti”: Humanist Peacekeeping or…?

Ex-Haitian Coup Leader Guy Philippe Arrested


Guy Philippe participates in a march into the city of Gonaives, Haiti, Feb. 19, 2004.

  • Guy Philippe participates in a march into the city of Gonaives, Haiti, Feb. 19, 2004. | Photo: Reuters.

Philippe, a paramilitary who helped lead the 2004 U.S-backed coup to oust Aristide, was arrested days before taking his elected senate seat.

Former Haitian coup leader Guy Philippe wanted by the U.S. on drug trafficking charges was arrested Thursday night after appearing on a live talk show near the capital of Port au Prince.

RELATED:  Haiti: Moise Officially Declared President

The ex-paramilitary leader turned senator-elect was arrested outside a radio studio where he was giving an interview in which the host of the program interrupted to announce the police had arrived outside the Scoop FM studio to arrest Philippe. Haitian police fired shots into the air to break up the crowd and Philippe was then taken into custody, according to the Associated Press.

After being arrested, Philippe was then transferred into the custody of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration where it is hoped that he will be soon extradited to the U.S. for trial to face drug trafficking charges, the Miami Herald reported.

Philippe, 48, led the 2004 Haitian coup which overthrew the country’s first democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The coup was backed by then-U.S. President George W. Bush.

Philippe was elected in November to the Senate despite being wanted by the DEA for more than a decade on charges of conspiracy to import cocaine and money laundering.

Had Philippe been sworn into office he would have enjoyed immunity from arrest or prosecution during his senate term.

The DEA and Office of the U.S. Attorney office are yet to make any comments on the arrest.

ANALYSIS: Haiti: The Price of Liberation  

Haiti issued an arrest warrant for Philippe over his suspected involvement in a 2015 attack on police headquarters in Haiti’s south where at least six people were killed. Philippe’s lawyers say the arrest warrant does not apply because he was a candidate in last year’s election.

Philippe has been accused by human rights groups of overseeing extrajudicial killings in Haiti, and has constantly been able to evade arrest and spend time in exile in the Dominican Republic. He had previously threatened to start a war in Haiti between paramilitaries and the country’s government.

Posted in HaitiComments Off on Ex-Haitian Coup Leader Guy Philippe Arrested

Haitians Seek Help in Chile, Find Tough Immigration Reformists

  • Haitians protest the Dominican government
    Haitians protest the Dominican government’s immigration law reform earlier this year. | Photo: Reuters.
Many around the continent are attracted to Chile’s strong economy, but this is also causing housing issues in the Andean country.

Haitians trying to rebuild their lives after recent earthquakes by heading to Chile are being met with calls for tougher controls on migration.

Thousands of Haitians left their country after a 2010 earthquake, and headed mostly for Brazil and Argentina. But since political and economic turmoil have overtaken those countries as right-wing governments have pushed into power, Haitians are now leaving in throngs for Chile, where the minimum wage surpasses Brazil’s by about $100.

RELATED: Venezuela to Internationalize Social Housing Programs

“I can no longer pay for rent, water and electric bills and send some money back to my family in Haiti. Things are not as they were when I first arrived here,”  Haitian Jean Antonie Camille, 42, told Lha De S. Paulo local news about her reasons for leaving Brazil and going to Chile.

In October, Hurricane Matthew destroyed the country yet again, costing the poor nation about $2 billion in damages, roughly a fifth of its GDP, reported Americas Quarterly. According to Chilean National Police figures, almost 4,000 Haitians have been entering Chile monthly over the last year from various places in the continent.

But Conservative and reactionary voices in Chile are meeting this movement with calls for strict controls on the movement of thousands of Haitians.

“Chile must be open to receiving immigrants who contribute to development, but it must completely seal its borders to drug trafficking, crime, smuggling, organized crime and also to illegal immigration,” former President Sebastian Piñera, who’s seeking re-election next year, said, according to the Non-Aligned Movement News Network.

Chile saw a resurgence in the flow of immigrants after Augusto Pinochet’s fascist military dictatorship ended in 1990, and since 2010, has experienced a boom. In 2015, nearly 360,000 South American immigrants moved to Chile, according to the Migration Policy Institute, a Washington, D.C., think tank. And according to the latest reports, a total of 465,300 foreign-born people (out of a total population of 18 million) currently reside there.

RELATED: Over 10,000 Stranded Haitians Could Seek Asylum in Mexico

More than 41,000 are Haitians, with nearly half arriving only in the first half of this year, according to a report by the Investigative Police published earlier and cited by Haiti Libre. Most enter on a 90-day tourist visa, and most of those – nearly 89 percent – remain illegally, according to Haiti Libre, who cited the report. The country’s relative economic stability, job opportunities and already-established, though small, Haitian community is what most attracts them, according to NGO Solidarity America.

Even so, according to various reports this has also caused a housing crisis in Chile, with many Haitians and other migrants having to seek shelter in tents, slums or simply the street.

Chilean President Michelle Bachelet’s government has agreed that new legislation is needed, suggesting current laws, which date back to Pinochet’s 1973-1990 dictatorship, are outdated and do “not reflect the complexities of coexistence.”

Posted in HaitiComments Off on Haitians Seek Help in Chile, Find Tough Immigration Reformists

Haiti Mafia families: A failed private sector

The amalgamation of a failed private sector with kidnapping, drug trafficking, and bad government constitutes the most important reason that explains Haiti’s failure in its quest to build a nation-state. Unfortunately, the United States government, symbol of nation building, is often on the wrong side of history in Haiti.

I read on the NBC website about how the private sector in the United States had created 216.000 jobs for the month of November, 2016, the expectation was 165.000. For the last 8 years during the Obama administration 15.6 million jobs have been created by the US private sector. That’s so revealing!

I am not comparing the US economy to Haiti’s considering this country’s long business tradition, and the vast amount of wealth created for the past two centuries. However, I want to stress the responsibility of the private sector in America versus the one operating in Haiti. Sometimes, people straightforwardly ask if there is a private sector in Haiti because there is no evidence that suggests otherwise.

The private sector is “the part of the economy that is not under the government’s control.” It is protected by a bunch of laws that guarantees its growing existence to maturity with only one goal: making profits. In Haiti, there is a concoction of roles. It seems that the private sector, the public sector, and the charities are working together in an evil way to crush the people.
I remember right after the earthquake that destroyed Port-Au-Prince, the capital of Haiti, in January 12th, 2010, I witnessed the rich people intertwining with the poor for a long period of time to benefit from the humanitarian aid. In some other countries, one would see something different. The rich would provide aid to the vulnerable souls. The most disgusting part remains: after a euphoric poor people-rich people interaction, the economic class, at first, monopolized the free international aid distribution. Later, it sold at an expensive price to the poor the same goods that the latter individuals were morally and legally entitled to.

In addition to profit-making, the private sector is morally obligated to create jobs. Without purchasing power, the potential customers won’t be able to consume and pay their bills. Hence, the consequences will be automatically disastrous even for those who own the means of production. Why? Because there is no consummation! — Production will be hurt. No profit. This unbalanced equation is contrary to capitalism whose reality, among others, consists of employers making profits at the expense of employees’ labor. One may thusly summarize this reciprocal relationship:  no jobs, no profits!

I believe that the Haitian private sector doesn’t get it. Right after the Duvalier dynasty’s departure in February 1986, international financial institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank, IDB (Inter-American Development Bank) …tried to impose their view on how to run Haitian finances. In fact, they expected to develop capitalism in Haiti to definitely put an end to feudalism. The only problem is, and continues to be, that the Haitian economic class has never been ready for such an adventure. Under pressure from the aforementioned institutions, the local government sold the cement and flour companies to the private sector. Just one year after the deal, both businesses closed their doors. Then, there followed a shortage of cement and flour. Subsequently, many hundreds of people lost their jobs. Unemployment was rampant. Social unrest created a chronic instability. Worse yet, there is no unemployment benefit in Haiti which could have alleviated the jobless individuals’ burden.

Haiti is a poor country, among others, with 41% unemployment rate, 48% illiteracy rate, and 60% of people living below the poverty line. At the same time, a handful of 5 families controls the entire wealth. I remember talking to an American professor about how many billionaires we have in Haiti. At the beginning, he started to laugh at me. The paradox is that we have several Haitian billionaires. The US government has seemingly tried, on many occasions, to stimulate the private sector in Haiti through many programs such as the Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act of 2006 (HOPE); the Food Conservation and Energy Act (HOPE II) in 2008; and, in 2010, the Haiti Economic Lift Program (HELP). All of these initiatives have been put in place to stimulate foreign investment in Haiti, and to rally the private sector to redeem itself by profiting from those programs of those open doors via “Eligibility for duty-free treatment under the Caribbean Basin trade partnership Act (CBTPA)”. The main goal was to create jobs; the Haitian private sector didn’t seize the opportunity.

The Haitian Diaspora which is sending more than 2 billion dollars to Haiti each year is not welcome to participate actively in the economic and political process. Those 5 families in command of the economy are hostile to the Diaspora who is trying to invest in Haiti. Yet, “Haitian-Americans are among the most successful immigrant groups in the United States”. Last year, Haiti’s GNP showed a deficit of 2.5 billion dollars because we exported for 1.029 billion dollars, while we imported for 3.445 billion dollars.

Haitian businessmen operate as a mafia organization. They burn businesses, kidnap family members and shoot people like dogs in the streets if you are not one of them…They monopolize all vital aspects of the economy: from tourism, textile, production, government and private institutions. At the same time, they are not taking any serious measures to develop the economy to create jobs for the people. They are fiercely against all sorts of competition. They favor monopoly. Customers are totally screwed up.

Now, let’s talk about the dilemma private sector vs. the public sector.  Everywhere in the world, nations are developing a public/private partnership to better serve the people and themselves. In Haiti, businessmen own the public sector. The rich maintain their grip on governmental institutions. All of them! There is no balance of power, meaning no accountability for any mischief caused by economically powerful individuals. That’s why they have always supported, financed and corrupted presidential candidates in each election.

The last known took place on November 20th, 2016. The big business supported the “statu quo” represented by Jovenel Moïse. He is a businessman who is being investigated for money laundering, racketeering, and drug connection by the country’s highest financial court (Cour Supérieure des Comptes known by its acronym CSC). He was handpicked by Michel Martelly himself, the former Haitian president.

Let me tell a true story that happened last year in Haiti. There is a powerful guy named Jacques Kétant. He was arrested in 2003 because his bodyguard went inside of a school attended by US embassy personnel’s children to murder in broad daylight a government official. Jacqueline Charles, from Miami Herald, delivered her opinion about Mr. Ketant as follow: “Considered the Pablo Escobar of Haiti, Ketant lived a lavish lifestyle in Haiti, where he was an untouchable kingpin until Aristide gave in to U.S. pressure in 2003 and expelled him. He was soon sentenced to 27 years in prison after pleading guilty to smuggling 30 tons of cocaine from Haiti to the United States.

On August 18th, 2015, the US judicial system decided to deport him back to Haiti after serving half of his sentence because the court found him to be cooperative. Many drug dealers have been arrested and sentenced to long prison terms. Upon his return to Haiti, Mr. Kétant was greeted and picked up at the airport by Roro Nelson and Gracia Delva. Mr. Nelson is among former president Michel Martelly’s closest friends for years; some people believe that he was there to welcome Mr. Kétant under Mr. Martelly’s express demand. Similarly, Mr. Gracia Delva, a member of parliament, is a deportee from the United States. Delva is about to be a senator very soon. Among other Martelly allies known for their criminal activities are:  Guy Philippe (pursued by DEA as a fugitive for drug trafficking); Youri Latortue, also senator, has been involved in drug activities, according to Wikileaks; Joseph Lambert, freshly reelected to senate, also has a drug connection; Willot Joseph, newly elected senator, has been implicated in drug trafficking. The Haitian senate is going to be filled up with a bunch of “drug dealers”.

Additionally, it is noteworthy to highlight the case of Clifford Brandt, a well-known businessman. He is also the son of one of the richest families in Haiti. Arrested for kidnapping in 2012, he was sentenced this year to spend 18 years in prison, after a long trial that lasted 4 years. He was identified as the closest friend of Olivier Martelly, former president Joseph Martelly’s son.

Former US ambassador to Haiti, Mr. Brian Dean Curran, in his farewell speech before leaving the country, addressed the chamber of commerce in Haiti by saying: “Yes, well-known drug traffickers. They buy from your stores; you sell houses to them or build new ones. You take their deposits to your banks. You educate their children, and you elect them to positions in chambers of commerce.”
In front of many businessmen of the country, Mr. Dean Curran denounced how they have no respect for themselves by using “dirty money” to make profits. Here is a short prospect about the Haitian bourgeoisie: all deviant actions are welcome to make money including placing corrupted leaders to power.

When Jean B. Aristide got elected to power in 1991, his program was essentially to fight inequality in Haiti. His government published a list of hundreds of businessmen who owed a lot of money to the state. Instead of starting to pay or make payment arrangements, they instead financed a multi-million-dollar military coup against the elected and legitimate president (of course with CIA/State Department’s help). The consequences were catastrophic: 5,000 deaths and 100,000 refugees. Therefore, the private sector in Haiti is against progress and is indirectly fighting social stability. The business sector spent 13 years fighting each attempt to normalize the social and political situation.

The last successful attempt, supported by the Clintons, was to parachute Joseph Martelly into power–a man who admitted that he had been a drug addict/dealer; he was denounced as a spy for “FRAPPH”, a defunct terrorist organization known for its misogyny, brutality, and political assassinations.  While in power, Martelly conceded a contract to Tony Rodham, Hillary Clinton’s brother, to exploit Haitian gold estimated at 25 billion dollars. That is a typical case of the so-called “Pay to play” game. For five straight years, the former head of state looted public funds, “legalized drug trafficking”, promoted prostitution, domesticated public institutions at the highest level via bribes and huge kickbacks. Here we are enduring Martelly’s dire economic heritage: 3 billion dollars debt, 300 million dollars budget deficit.  Let it be reminded that when Martelly got to the power in 2011, he found 1.9 billion dollars in the public treasure. Furthermore, the country had zero debt. Do the math!


CNBC, Jeff Cox: “US private sector created 216.000 jobs in November…” November 30th

Democratic Policy and Communications Center (DPCC)

International Trade Administration (ITA) – Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act 2006 HOPE I

Food conservation and energy Act of 2008, HOPE II

Haiti Lift Program Act 2010, HELP

Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act CBTPA

Center for Strategic and International Studies “The role of the Haitian Diaspora in building Haiti back better (June 24th, 2011)

Miami Herald “Cocaine Kingpin Jacques Ketant Back in Haiti”, Jacqueline Charles, August 18th, 2015

Haïti Express-News “ Haïti Mogul Drug Dealer, Jacques Ketant, Accueilli par Gracia Delva et Roro Nelson… » April 19th, 2015

Nouvelliste « Petro Caribe, Un Vaste Crime Économique », May 16th, 2016

Posted in HaitiComments Off on Haiti Mafia families: A failed private sector

Tie your shoe laces Haitians, the battle to free Haiti from US imperialism continues

Hougan Sydney

Outgoing President Michel Martelly’s handpicked successor, Jovenel Moïse, won disputed elections setting off protests. If Haitians had a real leader, like Moise Jean Charles, democratically elected, that leader would want to change the economic plundering and looting. This is why the oligarchs pulled out all the stops to put in another Martelly replica. It is going to be another five years of US colonization of Haiti.

After lots of insider objections, the criminals won the day. For now.

Essentially, the Bigio-Boulos-Brandt-Berlanger-Apaid-Clinton crew announced to the Haitian people that their votes were switched by the old 2015 UNOPS-Core Group crew and allocated as follows:

Jovenel Moise – 55.67 percent
Jude Celestin –  19.52 percent
Sen. Jean-Charles Moïse – 11.04 percent
Maryse Narcisse – 8.99 percent
Martelly’s replica, Jovenel Moise, the reason why there was a rigged election in 2015 and the candidate Haitians rejected then, is again being put into the Haiti presidency by the Barack Obama-Clinton international criminals in Haiti.

Indeed, the International Community (UNOPS/USAID/Clinton Foundation) simply switched the people’s real votes for prefabricated ones for Jovenel Moise.

The international mafia went into the tabulation center and had UNOPS and their technicians (a Spanish guy) push a few buttons, give them the results the humiliated Clinton-Kenneth Merten crew wanted and insisted on in Haiti. This was reported yesterday by Haiti attorney Elton Harold Desinor on Radyo Kiskeya.

It’s such an absolute fraud, perhaps I’ll write further details out for you later. For now, this electoral fraud only proves how desperate the imperialists are in Haiti, in the US, all over the globe. The plutocrats are losing traction and their media can’t fool the people any longer. But, before I give you the heads-up on what to expect from the new US-Euro House Kneegrow, Jovenel Moise, put in charge of Haiti, let me share a little story about our Haiti reality.

Recently a friend told me one of the Haiti mulattoes recommended she read Written in Blood to understand Haiti history. Now, you must understand this book provides the quintessential colonial narrative on Haiti and reads like a municipal police blotter of Haitians committing violence on Haitians. You know, like Gerald Latortue did after the removal of Aristide during the bicentennial coup d’etat from 2004 to 2006; like during the second term of Rene Preval when the UN massacred thousands of Haitians along with the newly trained Haiti police; like under the Clinton surrogate, Michel Martelly, and now as it will be under Jovenel Moise. That sort of “Haiti history” focuses on the “choices” the people of Haiti didn’t make.
It’s the white man’s “Haitian history”, filled with the “corrupt, violent, lawless and incompetent Haitians.”

When I was young and reading their colonial narratives, I couldn’t understand why I didn’t recognize the Haiti they were talking about; why I didn’t see the hard working, honest Haiti parents and relatives I knew. The ones who fought against US imperialism, generation after Haitian generations but still lived – stayed innocent, dignified, vibrant, heroic?

But now that I’ve lived through decades upon decades of US imperialism, its human subjugation, exploitation, economic colonialism, regime changes, rigged elections, massacres of unarmed Haitians, occupation and experienced how the US-Euros select the most amoral people from Haiti to put into office; people like the disgraceful former Tonton Makout, Michel Martelly, and now his replica, Jovenel Moise, I understand completely why they must have their lopsided narratives; their fake moral covers.

Unfortunately for them, so many Haitians can detail for the world that’s watching just how vicious that US swamp is and how, for their own sick kicks and bloodsucking pleasure, they install criminals as dictators in Haiti and once deported the one democratically elected Haiti president back to Africa. Corruption, genocide, subjugation, greed, it’s their nature. Fòk li ranni.

You may read the particulars on the CEP November 20th vote results, from the shamestream media’s Jacqueline Charles here.

For those who wish to pay attention to the real deal here, not the theater surrounding the US-Euro auctioning off of Haiti through this fake Jovenel Moise elections, here’s some of the lowdown:

1. Haiti’s Gilbert Bigio is the wealthiest of billionaires in the Caribbean. He owns the multi-billion dollar Haitian metal company, Acierie d’haiti and more recently, Port Lafito, the new Panamax Port for oil transshipment, fanning out all across Haiti. The Bigio Group works hand in hand with the Dominican Republic oligarchy, particularly the Vicini family sugar barons, to use the Ayiti landmass for the business of the globalist one percent;

2. Bigio is Israel’s agent in Haiti. He’s now got his own Tonton Makouts crew, flown in from South Africa and also made up of former Israeli military soldiers. This private military security contractors are known as HLSI and they are active in the resource wars in Angola/South Africa and are big Clinton Foundation donors. Before he left office, Michel Martelly gave HLSI/Bigio the border surveillance contract, land, air and sea.

3. The Mevs group of oligarchs in Haiti formerly controlled the largest Haiti private port (located, of course, in embattled Site Solèy which controls 21 per cent of the Haiti voting public.) This Mevs faction are livid about Bigio’s new power, port monopoly, influence as partner in Digicel and the Bigio border maneuvers. This group of oligarchs do not want Jovenel Moise in power to solidify the Clinton plunders and Bigio’s port Lafito power and influence. Nor do certain factions within the Dominican Republican oligarchy, who are losing billions upon billions now that they have to go through Bigio’s “border surveillance” crew and through Port au Prince to sell their foul sausages, eggs, fuel, sugar, et al, to Haiti.
The Dominican Republic is a US client-state, essentially the Israel of the Caribbean. Our sources indicate that a faction in the Pentagon doesn’t want to see a destabilization of the anemic DR economy if they can’t collect their normal $2 to $3 billion yearly in “trade” from poor, captive Haitians. They make their goods from exploiting Haiti slave-wage labor in the DR and sell it back to Haitians in Haiti! The oligarchs make money on both sides of the island off Haiti labor and the Diaspora remittances that pay for the goods the Haiti oligarchs buy from the DR to resell to Haitians in Haiti. If Haitians had a real leader, like Moise Jean Charles, democratically elected, that leader would want to change the economic plundering and looting. This is why the oligarchs pulled out all the stops to put in another Martelly replica.

4. In my new book, Nou Pap Obeyi, I outline how in 2004, while everyone was reading the shamestream media’s State Department missives and demonization bulletins of President Aristide and the Lavalas “chimeres,” the real fight was for control of the Haiti coastline in Site Soley, St Marc, Gonaives, Fort Liberte, to name a few. That oligarchy madness was between Bigio-Boulos-Brandt-Apaid who were paying Site Solèy’s mercenary, Labanye and others, to fight with Mevs soldiers led by Drèd Wilmè, who truly wanted to liberate Haiti, but was caught up in the geopolitical fight for the Site Solèy coastline filled with Haiti oil. You all know how that story went. The UN foreign soldiers massacred Drèd Wilmè and the Site Soley militants against the US occupation for the Gilbert Bigio crew, who now rule as overseers in Haiti, first through Martelly and now presumably through Jovenel Moise- if this electoral fraud sticks.

5. And behind all the Haiti overseers and repugnant white-Haitian oligarchy, there’s the Western overlords: the US military industrial complex, career foreign service folks, and USAID functionaries, which is a CIA front. Haitians uniformly call them: the “Laboratory”.

6. The Laboratory benefits from the Haiti chaos and I’d guess they are simply salivating right now at their ability to get the Haiti restaveks to put in Jovenel Moise under the thin veil of “elections.” The Laboratory doesn’t see the Haiti population as human beings, just pawns in their geopolitical game of dominance and resource warmongering. This fresh Haiti chaos of rigged 2016 elections, which will be resisted by the majority of peoples in Haiti, simply gives them a cover to keep everyone busy while no one is looking at the US soldiers in UN uniform and their US military bases not just floating in Haiti waters taking Haiti oil but the US military bases long established at Mole St. Nicolas and the newer one being eyed at Fort Liberte’s former Daulphin Plantation. The Northern Haiti gold belt “earthquake relief;” new “University;” Caracol “jobs;” and Paul Farmer’s newest “hospital” are all covers for their false philanthropic/NGO capitalist narrative.

7. President-elect Donald Trump has nominated General Flynn as his National Security advisor and as far as I can tell, the only thing the Laboratory wants to change in Haiti is the resource distribution. Certain oligarchs shut out by the Clinton Foundation monopoly in Haiti are hyperventilating over getting in opportunity for a redistribution of the loot taken by the Clinton-Obama crew. This means a re-distribution amongst the Duopoly colonists in the 1) Digicel cell phone and mobile banking monopoly; 2) a swapping of chairs between the oil, uranium, iridium plunderers for new ones, and 3) a bigger Republican share to be renegotiated on Haiti’s massive oil gold (already being funneled out as DR gold) no matter if open pit mining on the Northern faultlines kills another 310,000 Haitians.

8. The Laboratory also shall probably finally reveal their Northern military bases in Haiti and try to sell it to Haitians as a new source of, yep, that old Caracol trick again, “jobs for Haitians.”

9. The US-Canada-France occupiers in Haiti are at war with the Brazilians ever since Bill and Hillary landed to take their place as “spokespersons” for Haiti “democracy and responsibility to protect.” Lol. You have to laugh truly at these diabolical vampires. So, Bill Clinton was installed at the UN to also control media attention and get his Sean Penn/Wyclef Jean useful idiots out front so no one would see how Caracol Industrial Park was initially supposed to go the Brazilians not the South Koreans. Yep, by 2008 when Brazil found a lot of oil in its subsoil and had refused to kill innocent Haitians at the level of massacres the US and Bigio-Boulos-Brandt-Apaid group wanted them to, that’s when the angry US decided to deny Lula’s brother in-law his reward: Caracol Industrial Park and Haiti slave wage laborers. So they imported over 100,000 Haitians to Brazil and now those workers are kicked out of Brazil and miraculously finding no border guards as the Haitian immigrants virtually WALK unimpeded from Brazil to the US border! Yep, the Westerners are now openly at war with Brazil. Our Black bodies are simply cannon fodder in the white colonists geopolitical game. The US definitely wants Brazil out of Haiti because of its BRIC alliance, but more critically, the globalist/corporatocracy want to put their own greedy hands on that new oil found in Brazil.

10. In addition, to destroy the Haiti resistance to this US occupation behind UN mercenary guns, fake aid and fake elections, the US-Canada-France imperialists have plans to create a new 16,000 local Haiti army. In other words, the Western despots and terrorists expect to pacify 16,000 young Haiti men and some women by giving them the local jobs to bash in the heads of the resisting public wanting democracy. Such foreign-trained Haiti militarized forces shall continue to spray unarmed Haiti with rubber bullets, toxic chemicals, and whatever newer “riot” control US-Israeli weapons the colonists wish to try out for size.

11. There are rumors that some of the more conscientious ones in the Laboratory are pissed at having their hands tied, watching the fugitive Accra executive go free after his drug boat from Columbia was caught in Haiti and a warrant issued for his arrest. Some of these US authorities are very angry at not being able to do anything to grab DEA wanted fugitive Guy Philippe, and other alleged drug kingpins in the Martelly crew – such as his father in-law Charles “Bébé” St. Rémy, Youri Latorture, alleged former hit man for Michel Martelly and  now hiding in the Haiti Senate, Senator Herve Fourcand, many other K-Plume and PHTK unelected criminals pushed into the Haiti Parliament by the Kenneth Merten-Privert agreement of February 2016. Our sources indicate that even former presidential candidate, Jean-Henry Céant is said to be under investigation, like Jovenel Moise, for money laundering and other financial irregularities. So, expect indictments under Trump of PHTK bandits and hundreds of others not named herein but who are well-know lawless Duvalierist thugs, which Haiti lawyers like us have spent years trying to bring to justice, only to have the US-Laboratory and NGOs re-image them as “civil society” and then push for them to enter Parliament and get Parliamentary immunity.

12. The Paul Farmer poverty pimps and so-called Leftist progressives will continue to provide the imperialist with the “white savior,” “philanthropist cover,” while the human trafficking of Haiti children and organs at their various medical centers, along with more cholera vaccines, rake in the Haiti blood monies for big-pharma.

So, tie your shoe laces Haitians. It’s gonna be a heinous five years of US colonization of Haiti with more innocent Haitian bloodshed if this rigged election travesty is not annulled. As usual it is the poor Haiti warrior for liberty who will pay the price for liberty for all of Haiti.

At the Èzili Network, we commit to do our part, jiskobou, by transmitting the information to you ahead of time. Like the information you’ve just read, which the sell-out local Haiti and international media will never tell you.

Know folks, that the shamestream media news you’re getting from Miami Herald’s fraudster, Jacqueline Charles, or Reuters’ Guy Delva, no matter how neutral it seems, they are simply the PHTK-Hillary Clinton communication officers.

Posted in HaitiComments Off on Tie your shoe laces Haitians, the battle to free Haiti from US imperialism continues

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