Archive | West Bank

Nazi Forces Execute Palestinian Civilian at Point-Blank Range in al-Far’ah Refugee Camp


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In an extra-judicial execution crime, on Tuesday dawn, 10 January 2017, Nazi forces shot dead in cold blood a Palestinian civilian in al-Far’ah refugee camp, south of Tubas, in front of his mother.  The Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR) stresses that this crime was committed after the Nazi political and military leaders gave the Nazi soldiers the green light to shed the Palestinian blood and tolerated the soldiers for their crimes against Palestinian civilians.

According to PCHR’s investigations and the mother’s testimony, Fawziyah Mahmoud Khamis Salhi (67) said to PCHR’s fieldworker that at approximately 02:00 on the above mentioned day, Nazi forces moved into al-Far’ah refugee camp, south of Tubas.  They surrounded the family house of Mohammed Subhi Ahmed Khamis Salhi (33) near an UNRWA School for Girls and the camp sports club, seemingly in order to arrest him.

A number of Nazi soldiers jumped from the outer wall of the 1-storey house. Mohammed and his mother then heard noise in the corridor and went out of their bedroom.  When his mother saw the soldiers, she stood between them and her son.  An Nazi soldier then ordered her to sit on a plastic chair there, but when she refused, the soldier forcefully seated her. She then twice stood between the soldiers and her son.

However in the third time she stood, the Nazi soldier forcefully pushed her and seated her on the chair.  The Nazi soldier then pulled out a gun with a silencer and directly fired 5 bullets at Mohammed at point-blank range.  As a result, the bullets penetrated his neck, chest, hand, armpit, pelvis and thigh from the left side of his body and killed him in front of his elderly mother.

The mother said that she did not hear any sound of shooting, but saw sparkles coming from the gun.  After that, her son swayed and fell on the ground.  His body was put on a litter and then taken by an ambulance belonging to the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) to Tubas Turkish Governmental Hospital in Tubas, where medical sources announced him dead.  It should be mentioned that the Mohammed previously served a 3-year sentence in the Nazi camp.

PCHR strongly condemns this new crime, coinciding with the trial of Nazi soldier Elor Azaria, who killed a Palestinian young man namely ‘Abdel Fattah al-Sharif (20) in Hebron on 24 March 2016 when the latter was wounded and immobilised and with calls from Nazi leaders, including Naziyahu, to pardon the soldier if being convicted.  As these calls encourage the Nazi soldiers to shed the Palestinian blood, PCHR hereby:

  1. Demands the United Nations to provide international protection for Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) and ensure guarantees to protect civilians in the oPt;
  2. Calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to oblige the Nazi regime to apply the Geneva Conventions in the oPt in its capacity as a Member State to these conventions;
  3. Demands the states signing the Geneva Conventions to fulfill their obligations by exercising their Universal Jurisdiction to hold the Nazi regime war criminals to account regardless of the criminals’ nationalities and the place where the crimes were committed and put an end to their impunity and
  4. Appeals the abovementioned states to extend their Jurisdiction to account war criminals regardless of their origins, not to be obedient to the Nazi regime pressure that aims to limit the states’ jurisdiction in order to keep the Nazi regime war criminals’ impunity.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Gaza, Human Rights, UK, West Bank0 Comments

Nazi Wehrmacht ‘wreaks havoc’ in raid on Birzeit University

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More than 20 Nazi military vehicles raided the campus of Birzeit University in the central occupied West Bank district of Ramallah before dawn on Wednesday, with Nazi forces ”leaving a great deal of havoc” in their wake, an official university statement said.

After storming the campus through its western gate, Nazi soldiers forced campus security guards to stand against the walls, and proceeded to raid several buildings, including the university’s administration building, the student council’s headquarters, Kamal Nasir Hall, and the Faculty of Science.

Sources said Nazi army smashed the main door of the student council building before searching the area and seizing several objects that were inside storage units belonging to student blocs.

Students’ flags and banners were also confiscated, while property in the administrative building and around campus were “sabotaged,” according to the university.

Birzeit University harshly condemned Nazi forces for the “continuation of their barbaric aggression on our people and national institutions,” adding that “These blatant attacks and subsequent measures of harassment constitute outrageous interferences to our right to education.”

However, the statement vowed that the “attacks” would “not deter its commitment to higher education, and the pivotal role it has played since its establishment.”

“The academic freedom of Palestinian academics and students is severely hindered, due to the (Israeli) occupation, its policies, and continuous defiance of the fundamental rights of our people and the sanctity of our universities, and that must be defended,” the statement said…

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US ‘Regime Change’ Madness in the Middle East


Bureaucratic self-interest trumped US military’s conviction that American security is being endangered by Obama’s policy of regime change

Defence Secretary Ashton Carter (L) and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Joseph Dunford Jr. prepares to testify before the Senate Armed Services Committee about the US military strategy in the Middle East on 27 October, 2015 in the Dirksen Senate Office Building on Capitol Hill, Washington, DC. (Photo: AGP)

Seymour Hersh’s recent revelations about an effort by the US military leadership in 2013 to bolster the Syrian army against jihadist forces in Syria shed important new light on the internal bureaucratic politics surrounding regime change in US Middle East policy. Hersh’s account makes it clear that the Obama administration’s policy of regime change in both Libya and Syria provoked pushback from the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS).

That account and another report on a similar episode in 2011 suggest that the US military has a range of means by which it can oppose administration policies that it regards as unacceptable. But it also shows that the military leadership failed to alter the course of US policy, and raises the question whether it was willing to use all the means available to stop the funnelling of arms to al-Nusra Front and other extremist groups in Syria.

Hersh details a JCS initiative in the summer of 2013 to share intelligence on Islamic State and al-Qaeda organisations with other German, Russian and Israeli militaries, in the belief that the information would find its way to the Syrian army. Hersh reports that the military leadership did not inform the White House and the State Department about the “military to military” intelligence sharing on the jihadist forces in Syria, reflecting the hardball bureaucratic politics practised within the national security institutions.

The 2013 initiative approved by the chairman of the JCS, General Martin Dempsey, was not the first active effort by the US military to mitigate Obama administration regime change policies. In 2011, the JCS had been strongly opposed to the effort to depose the Muammar Gaddafi regime in Libya led by then secretary of state Hillary Clinton.

When the Obama administration began its effort to overthrow Gaddafi, it did not call publicly for regime change and instead asserted that it was merely seeking to avert mass killings that administration officials had suggested might approach genocidal levels. But the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), which had been given the lead role in assessing the situation in Libya, found no evidence to support such fears and concluded that it was based on nothing more than “speculative arguments”.

The JCS warned that overthrowing the Gaddafi regime would serve no US security interest, but would instead open the way for forces aligned with al-Qaeda to take over the country. After the Obama administration went ahead with a NATO air assault against the Gaddafi regime the US military sought to head off the destruction of the entire Libyan government. General Carter Ham, the commander of AFRICOM, the US regional command for Africagave the State Department a proposal for a ceasefire to which Gaddafi had agreed. It would have resulted in Gaddafi’s resignation but retain the Libyan military’s capacity to hold off jihadist forces and rescind the sanctions against Gaddafi’s family.

But the State Department refused any negotiation with Gaddafi on the proposal. Immediately after hearing that Gaddafi had been captured by rebel forces and killed, Clinton famously joked in a television interview, “We came, we saw, he died” and laughed.

By then the administration was already embarked on yet another regime change policy in Syria. Although Clinton led the public advocacy of the policy, then CIA director David Petraeus, who had taken over the agency in early September 2011, was a major ally. He immediately began working on a major covert operation to arm rebel forces in Syria. The CIA operation used ostensibly independent companies in Libya to ship arms from Libyan government warehouses to Syria and southern Turkey. These were then distributed in consultation with the United States through networks run by Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia. The plan went into operation within days of Gaddafi’s death on October 20, 2011 just before NATO officially ended its operation at the end of that month, as the DIA later reported to the JCS.

But the result of the operation was to accelerate the dominance of al-Qaeda and their Islamist allies. The Turks, Qataris and Saudis were funnelling arms to al-Qaeda’s Syrian franchise, al-Nusra Front or other closely related extremist groups. That should not have surprised the Obama administration. The same thing had happened in Libya in spring 2011 after the Obama administration had endorsed a Qatari plan to send arms to Libyan rebels. The White House had quickly learned that the Qataris had sent the arms to the most extremist elements in the Libyan opposition.

The original Petraeus covert operation ended with the torching of the US consulate in Benghazi in September 2012 in which Ambassador Chris Stevens was killed. It was superseded by a new programme under which Qatar and Saudi Arabia financed the transfer of weapons from other sources that were supposed to be distributed in cooperation with CIA officials at a base in southern Turkey. But “thousands of tons of weapons” were still going to groups fighting alongside the jihadists or who actually joined them as Vice-President Joe Biden revealed in 2014.

By spring 2013, al-Nusra Front and its Islamic extremist allies were already in control of wide areas in the north and in the Damascus suburbs. The Islamic State had separated from al-Nusra Front and established its own territory south of the Turkish border. The secular armed opposition had ceased to exist as a significant force. The “Free Syrian Army”, the nominal command of those forces, was actually a fiction within Syria, as was reported by specialists on the Syrian conflict. But despite the absence of a real “moderate opposition”, the Obama administration continued to support the flood of arms to the forces fighting to overthrow Assad.

In mid-2013, as Hersh recounts, the DIA issued an intelligence assessment warning that the administration’s regime change policy might well result in a repeat of what was already happening in Libya: chaos and jihadist domination. The JCS also pulled off a clever manoeuvre to ensure that the jihadists and their allies were getting only obsolete weapons. A JCS representative convinced the CIA to obtain much cheaper arms from Turkish stocks controlled by officials sympathetic to the CIA’s viewpoint on Syria.

But the JCS failed to alter the administration’s policy of continuing to support the flow of arms into Syria. Did the military leadership really use all of its leverage to oppose the policy?

In 2013, some officials on the US National Security Council staff pushed for a relatively modest form of pressure on Qatar to get it to back off its continued supply of arms to extremists, including al-Nusra Front, by pulling out a US fighter squadron from the US air base at al-Udeid in Qatar. But as the Wall Street Journal reported earlier this year, the Pentagon, obviously reflecting the JCS position, vetoed the proposal, arguing that the forward headquarters of the Central Command at the airbase was “vital” to US operations in the Middle East.

The political implications of the episode are clear: bureaucratic self-interest trumped the military’s conviction that US security is being endangered. No matter how strongly the JCS may have felt about the recklessness of administration policy, they were not prepared to sacrifice their access to military bases in Qatar, Saudi Arabia or Turkey to pressure their Middle Eastern allies.

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10 Nazi Jews charged with attempted lynch of Palestinians




The Jerusalem district attorney filed an indictment Monday against seven young Jewish men, aged 18-27, for the attempted lynching of two Palestinians, apparently due to nationalistic motives. All seven suspects are accused of aggravated assault; five are also accused of obstructing justice. An indictment against three minors who allegedly took part in the incident, two weeks ago, was also filed in the Jerusalem District Juvenile Court; they, too, are accused of aggravated assault.

The prosecution is seeking remand in custody for all 10 suspects until the conclusion of legal proceedings.

The violent incident took place in an area between Beit Hanina and the Neveh Yaakov neighborhood in northern Jerusalem. Amir Shweiki and Samer Mahfouz from Beit Hanina, both 20 years old, were set upon by a mob of Jewish youths in an unprovoked attack, and brutally beaten with baseball bats and iron bars. Shweiki was seriously injured and is still hospitalized with a head injury in the neurosurgical ward at Hadassah University Hospital, Ein Karem. Mahfouz was lightly injured, but last week was hospitalized again after his condition deteriorated.

According to the indictment filed by attorney Yael Igra Unger, on the night in question, Shweiki and Mahfouz were sitting in a public park in Neveh Yaakov: “At a certain point, one of the accused came up to the plaintiffs and asked if they had a cigarette and a lighter in order to ascertain whether the plaintiffs were Arabs. The plaintiffs said no and he left. A few minutes later, all of the accused plus three minors approached the plaintiffs as a group, armed with iron bars and boards.”

Then, says the prosecution, “the accused and the minors surrounded the plaintiffs, calling out, ‘Arabs, Arabs …’ Curses were exchanged. Then the accused and the minors pounced as one on the plaintiffs, some of them wielding iron bars and wooden bats, and began savagely beating the plaintiffs, just because they are Arabs. One of the accused struck one of the plaintiffs on the head very forcefully from behind with a baseball bat; another one struck him with his fist and the plaintiff fell to the ground and lost consciousness. Meanwhile, some of the accused and the minors beat the second plaintiff with iron bars, fists and kicks until he too fell to the ground and lost consciousness for a few minutes.”

Even after the two young Palestinians lost consciousness, the incident didn’t end.

“The accused and the minors continued to beat the plaintiffs as they lay on the ground,” says the indictment. “They beat them fiercely with iron bars and fists, and kicked them hard in the head and face, and all over their bodies. Then the accused and the minors immediately ran away, leaving the plaintiffs lying on the ground in the park, bleeding.”

The charges of obstruction of justice relate to what occurred following the attack. At that time, according to the indictment, five of the adult suspects and one of the minors met. They were concerned that someone might have seen them beating the Arab men, and agreed that if anyone were arrested by the police “he won’t say anything.” In addition, “a few days later, one of the accused instructed another one to delete everything in his phone.”

The beating of Mahfouz and Shweiki marked a peak in the violence and harassment against Palestinians in Jerusalem in recent weeks. Among other incidents, Arab taxi drivers have been beaten or attacked with tear gas, riders on the light rail train have been harassed, and passersby have been subjected to verbal and physical violence.

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Abu Khdeir murder suspect gives account of killing



Ed note–pay attention to the statement made by these murderers at the end–

“We’re not like the sons of Ishmael [meaning Arabs]…We’re Jews. We have a heart…We are merciful Jews. We are human beings.’”

And herein lies the madness that rots the core of these people. No matter what they do, no matter how heinous, vicious and evil, they refuse to accuse themselves. They are an unrepentant, unregenerate people,  made so by their ‘chosen’ mindset, coupled with a religion that gives the green light to every form of evil imaginable in the minds of men or in the mind of Satan.

And people are shocked at the lack of compassion in these people when 2,000 innocent ‘sons of Ishmael’ are incinerated in Gaza?

Times of Israel

Israeli police have released the chilling testimony of the prime suspect in the murder of Arab teenager Muhammed Abu Khdeir in Jerusalem on July 2.

“We were hot-headed and angry and we determined to burn something of the Arabs,” Yosef Haim Ben-David told police in his investigation, saying watching the funerals of three Israeli teenagers kidnapped and murdered in the West Bank on June 12 – Naftali Fraenkel, Gil-ad Shaar and Eyal Yifrach — had sparked the decision.

Ben-David was indicted for the murder in mid-July along with two accomplices, both minors. The indictment said that the three suspects went on “a human hunt,” during which they “cruelly kidnapped and murdered the minor Muhammed Abu Khdeir simply for being an Arab.”

Ben-David, 29, is a resident of the West Bank settlement of Adam and owns an eyewear store in Jerusalem. His lawyers have sought to declare him temporarily insane. The other two suspects are 16 years old — one from Jerusalem, the other from Beit Shemesh. According to the indictment, Ben-David and one of the minors have a history of mental illness and are presently on medication.

Two of the defendants were also charged with the attempted kidnapping of a seven-year-old Palestinian boy in Beit Hanina, Moussa Zaloum, the night before the killing, attempted arson, and the torching of a Palestinian store in the West Bank village of Hizme in June.

A day before the murder, the three made the first attempt at an abduction, attacking the seven-year-old Zaloum and his mother as they strolled down the street in East Jerusalem with a baby carriage.

Moussa Zaloum recounts his attempted kidnapping by the suspects a day before they abducted and murdered Muhammed Abu Khdeir (Photo credit: Channel 2 screen capture)

“We decided to beat her up,” Ben-David said. One of his friends grabbed the child and choked him, then punched his mother in the face. The three then ran away, but decided to make another attempt the next evening.

Security camera footage gathered by police shows the suspects fill bottles with gasoline at a gas station in the West Bank, north of Jerusalem.

Ben-David said he and his two alleged accomplices had first planned to burn an Arab store in the city but then “decided to raise the bar.”

One of the suspects in the murder of Muhammed Abu Khdeir is seen filling bottles with gasoline on the night of the killing (Photo credit: Channel 2 screen capture)

“We said ‘they took three of ours, let’s take one of their’s,’” he explained. “We decided to pick someone up, kidnap him, beat the hell out of him and throw him out.”

The suspects were identified in the camera footage of a small supermarket buying energy drinks, after having removed their kippahs and switched their traditional religious garb for secular-looking clothing.

The three suspects then drove around looking for a target, eventually spotting Abu Khdeir sitting alone outside.

Two of the suspects in the murder of Muhammed Abu Khdeir seen at a supermarket before the attack (Photo credit: Channel 2 screen capture)

“This one we can overpower,” Ben-David told his two accomplices, who went out of the car and asked the teen for directions. “He didn’t really answer and didn’t speak Hebrew too well, said ‘straight and to the right.’

Ben-David noted that Abu Khdeir appeared to become suspicious, stood up and began dialing on his phone. A this point Ben-David’s two friends hit the teen and grabbed him, dragging him to the car while covering his mouth to prevent him from crying out.

“The guy tried to fight and stretched out his leg to prevent us closing the door” but was forced in nonetheless, Ben-David said. “He began shouting Allahu Akbar [God is Great] and cursed…I didn’t believe it was really happening at that moment. A this point Yud [one of the suspects, identified only by the first letter of his name due to being a minor] choked the guy’s throat and I shouted to him ‘finish him, finish him, kill him.’ The guy started gurgling, eventually he stopped fighting.”

Ben-David and the other two suspects then decided to drive to the Jerusalem Forest “to get rid of him.”

“I told Yud to press hard and finish him because those people have seven lives. Don’t let him get up,” he said.

The home of Muhammad Abu Khdeir in Shuafat, Jerusalem, July 8, 2014 (photo credit: Elhanan Miller/Times of Israel)

The group came to a stop in the forest and Ben-David turned off the car lights. The unconscious Abu Khdeir was removed from the vehicle and thrown to the ground. Ben-David then took an iron bar and struck the teen repeatedly on the head.

“I hit the guy in the head with the bar while saying ‘This is for the Fogel family [a family of five murdered in the settlement of Itamar in 2011], this is for Shalhevet Pas [a baby girl murdered by a sniper in Hebron in 2001],’” Ben-David recounted.

The three suspects then poured gasoline over Abu Khdeir, who according to a coroner’s report was likely still alive at the time. “I kicked the guy three times in the legs, and said while I kicked, ‘This is for Eyal, and this is for Naftali and this is for — I don’t remember the third one’s name, maybe Gil-ad.”

“I took out a lighter and set the guy on fire…and everything was alight,” he said. “The purpose wasn’t god forbid to burn [him]…we heard a noise and we were afraid he’d gotten up so we decided to kill, to get rid of him.

Ben-David said the three later spoke about the murder and regretted their actions. “We’re not like the sons of Ishmael [meaning Arabs]…We’re Jews. We have a heart.

“I told them: ‘I’ll tell you the truth, we had a purpose but this is not for us. We were wrong. We are merciful Jews. We are human beings.’”

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Abuses against Journalists by Zionist Traitors Ab-a$$ Security Forces

A Palestinian man sells newspapers in front of his shop in the Gaza strip in 2007. Hamas has since banned the Al-Ayyam daily, pictured on the lower rack.
No News is Good News

This report documents cases in which security forces tortured, beat, and arbitrarily detained journalists, confiscated their equipment, and barred them from leaving the West Bank and Gaza.

Rise in Attacks, Detentions by Palestinian Security Services
Palestinian security forces are becoming notorious for assaulting and intimidating journalists who are just trying to do their jobs. Both the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza need to end these blatant attacks on free expression.
Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director

(Ramallah) – Severe harassment by Palestinian Authority and Hamas security forces targeting Palestinian journalists in the West Bank and Gaza has had a pronounced chilling effect on freedom of expression, Human Rights Watch said today. In a new report, Human Rights Watch called on Palestinian authorities in the West Bank and Gaza to hold their security forces to account for systematic, severe abuses and urged foreign donors to the Palestinian Authority (PA) to condition aid to security forces on concrete accountability measures.

The 35-page report, No News is Good News: Abuses Against Journalists by Palestinian Security Forces,” documents cases in which security forces tortured, beat, and arbitrarily detained journalists, confiscated their equipment, and barred them from leaving the West Bank and Gaza.

“Palestinian security forces are becoming notorious for assaulting and intimidating journalists who are just trying to do their jobs,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Both the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank and Hamas in Gaza need to end these blatant attacks on free expression.”

In the West Bank, reported incidents of official harassment of journalists by PA security services temporarily spiked during Israel’s offensive in Gaza in December 2008 and January 2009, but the overall trend has continued to worsen. According to one rights group, the Center for Development and Media Freedoms, the number of physical attacks, arrests, detentions, arbitrary confiscations of equipment, and other violations of journalists’ rights by Palestinian security forces increased in both Gaza and the West Bank in 2010 by 45 percent over the previous year.

The report, based on interviews with Palestinian journalists, journalist syndicate representatives, and PA officials, focuses on seven cases of journalists who were abused by PA security forces, and documents two cases of abuse by Hamas internal security forces in Gaza, where the situation for journalists is also dire. Abuses by Hamas in Gaza as well as by Israeli military forces throughout the occupied Palestinian territories will be the focus of future reporting, Human Rights Watch said.

In recent days, Hamas internal security services have repeatedly violated the rights of journalists covering popular demonstrations in Gaza against the political split between Hamas and the Fatah-led PA, Human Rights Watch said. For example, journalists told Human Rights Watch that on March 19, 2011, around 15 Hamas plainclothes security forces raided the offices of the Reuters news agency bureau in Gaza, smashed computers, and beat journalists, after pointing a gun at one of them and threatening to throw another out of a window. In another case, a reporter for the Al Quds radio station told Human Rights Watch that on March 27 Hamas police threatened, insulted, and detained him for more than an hour immediately after he had broadcast a report criticizing Hamas health officials. Security forces accosted him in a morgue where he had reported on a man, supposedly killed by an Israeli military attack, who was discovered still to be alive.

Since Hamas’s takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007, the majority of abuses against journalists in both the West Bank and Gaza have been related to tensions between the PA and Hamas, the report found. In the West Bank, the primary targets are journalists whom PA security services suspected of working for television, radio, websites, and newspapers seen as favoring Hamas or other Islamist groups such as Islamic Jihad, or are otherwise critical of the PA.

In one case documented in the report, a PA military court in the city of Jenin sentenced television journalist Tariq Abu Zeid, 34, to a year-and-a-half in prison despite two civilian court rulings ordering his release. Abu Zeid was the northern West Bank correspondent for the Al Aqsa television station, and had worked for the Gaza-based Al-Risala newspaper, both of which are considered to be pro-Hamas.

PA security services have also targeted independent journalists suspected of working on reports that might be critical of the PA. Security officials from the PA detained Muhannad Salahat, a freelance journalist and filmmaker, for 14 days in March and April 2010 without charging or notifying him of the reason for his arrest. Security officials interrogated him for days about whether he was preparing a documentary on the PA for Al Jazeera, the satellite television channel which had been critical of the PA and which the PA saw as pro-Hamas. PA security services detained Salahat for another 10 days in May 2010, and Jordanian intelligence officers later prevented him from traveling from the West Bank to Jordan, saying that he required special clearance from the PA before he could travel.

The majority of abuses documented by Human Rights Watch and reported by local rights groups involved the PA’s Preventive Security agency and General Intelligence Services, and the detention of civilian journalists by the PA’s military judiciary. In a positive recent development, the military judiciary has said it would stop exercising jurisdiction over civilians, although many civilians are still detained by the military.

Overall, the increasing number of alleged abuses against journalists takes place in the context of virtual impunity for serious human rights violations generally by PA security service officials, Human Rights Watch said. In total, Palestinian rights groups reported more than 200 allegations of torture by PA security agencies in 2010 – up from 164 complaints in 2009 – yet the courts have criminally prosecuted security officers for abusing detainees in only one case; a military court acquitted all five of the accused in July 2010.

Human Rights Watch cannot point to instructions from PA leaders to the security services directing them to commit these violations, but the utter failure of the PA leadership to address the prevailing culture of impunity for such abuses suggests that they reflect government policy.

The United States provided $350 million to the PA for security and program assistance in 2010, in addition to $150 million in direct budgetary support, while the European Union gave the PA more than €230 million ($315 million), including for security assistance. Human Rights Watch called on the US and the EU to condition support for all PA security agencies on the PA taking effective steps to investigate, prosecute, and punish security officers responsible for serious abuses.

In Gaza, Hamas internal security agents have summoned critical journalists for questioning, which the journalists interpreted as a form of intimidation, and government officials called some journalists to warn them that their coverage was “slanted” or “biased.” In one case, Hamas security services harassed a Gaza-based journalist for the pro-Fatah Al-Hayat al-Jadida newspaper, repeatedly visiting her home and threatening her over the course of three months in 2010. In another case, the Hamas Ministry of Interior summoned a journalist who published an article on torture by Hamas authorities in secret detention facilities, threatened to take legal action against him if he did not publish an apology for the article, and warned him to correct his “biased” reporting.

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West Bank Palestinians die in fresh clashes


Four killed near Hebron and Nablus on Friday as worst spate of West Bank protests in years continues for second day.

Israeli policemen arrest a Palestinian during clashes following Friday

prayers in East Jerusalem [AFP]

Four Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank, a day after mass protests over Israel’s offensive in the Gaza Strip which has killed more than 800 people.

In the first shooting on Friday in Hawara, near Nablus, an Israeli settler shot dead an 18-year-old and injured three other Palestinians, sources told Al Jazeera. Two hours later at the same protest Israeli soldiers open fire, killing a 22-year-old.

Two other Palestinians were shot dead by Israeli solders during a protest in Beit Ummar, near Hebron. One of those killed reportely worked for the Defence for Children International charity.

An Israeli army spokeswoman had no comment on the incident in Beit Ummar, but said there had been “confrontations” between Israeli troops and Palestinians near Nablus “in which settlers were involved”.

Israeli army radio reported that a woman settler opened fire in in the incident near Nablus.

Protests were also reported in East Jerusalem after Friday prayer.

“We are with the resistance [in Gaza], and this is our way of resisting,” said Samir Natsheh, one of the worshippers praying on the street near Al-Aqsa mosque.

“The same Israeli government that is carrying out this aggression in Gaza is taking away our right to pray.”

There were brief scuffles in Wadi al-Joz, an area north of the Old City.

The protests on Friday came a day after two Palestinians were killed in mass protests in the occupied West Bank. The funeral for one, Mohammad al-Araj, 17, was held in Qalandia refugee camp.

The Palestinian Liberation Organisation on Friday called for Palestinians to take to the streets to express their rage at the invasion of Gaza, calling it a “genocide”, and to offer a funeral prayer to those who had been killed on Thursday.

Palestinian activists and Israel media said the Thursday protests appeared to be the largest since the end of a 2000-2005 Palestinian uprising.

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Video: Night raid in Bethlehem’s Aida Refugee Camp


The news is rightfully focused on Gaza right now, but that doesn’t mean life is quiet in the West Bank. The video above was shot by Kelly Lynn last night in Bethlehem’s Aida Refugee Camp. Here’s the description:

Israeli Defense Forces raid Bethlehem’s Aida Refugee Camp early in the morning on July 21st, 2014. Soldiers arrested 3 young men and assaulted several others. They confiscated footage from that night’s clashes in Bethlehem from journalist Mohammed Al Azza, briefly detained him and assaulted him and his two younger brothers. A father in the camp attempts twice to visit his brother’s home being raided by soldiers in an effort to see his son, and is denied violently by IDF. Screams can be heard in the streets as gunfire and sound bombs from the Israel military go off while youth throw stones toward the soldiers.

The events in this video will never make international media coverage, but this is what life under occupation looks like. It’s unjust, violent, and to my eyes, terrifying.

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Teen killed by Zi-Gistapo sniper posed ‘no threat’ to soldiers

A Palestinian medic lifts a youth at a hospital in the West Bank city of Ramallah January 15, 2013.
Zio-Nazi authorities have provided no evidence that a Palestinian teenager fatally shot in the back in December by Zio-Nazi forces posed “any threat to life that would justify such a killing,” Human Rights Watch said Sunday.

Wajih Wajdi al-Ramahi, 15, was shot with live bullets in the back by Zio-Nazi sniper in front of his school on Dec. 7 in al-Jalazun refugee camp near Ramallah.

Locals told Ma’an that the area where al-Ramahi was shot had no clashes or any kind of rock-throwing incidents that might have provoked the killing.

HRW said that some Palestinian youths had been throwing stones at Zio-Nazi soldiers, but they were over 200 meters away and not at risk of being hit.

"Twice this year, Israeli soldiers hiding near schools, apparently to make arrests, have killed children who posed no apparent threat," said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch.
"If the past is any guide, these boys’ families can look forward to a prolonged, opaque, and fruitless process that does not hold perpetrators to account or deliver justice."

In January 2013, Zio-Nazi forces shot and killed a Palestinian teenager during clashes in Budrus near Ramallah.

Samir Ahmad Abdul-Rahim, 17, sustained four bullet wounds to his head, chest and leg and died shortly after arriving at the Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah.

Zio-Nazi military has said it is investigating both incidents, but Zio-Nazi has indicted only 16 security officials for unlawfully killing Palestinians since 2000, with only six actually being convicted.

The longest jail sentence imposed was seven months, according to rights group Yesh Din.

Zio-Nazi killed 27 Palestinians in the occupied West Bank in 2013, making it the deadliest year for Palestinian fatalities since 2008.

By contrast, in 2012 Zio-Nazi security forces killed eight Palestinians in the West Bank and 246 in the Gaza Strip, including at least 167 in its November war on the coastal territory.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, West Bank0 Comments

Children killed by I$rahelli soldiers “hiding” near schools, says Human Rights Watch

Submitted by Ali Abunimah

Doctors surround the body of Samir Awad, 16, fatally shot by Israeli soldiers “hiding” near his school as he “tried to run away,” in January 2013.

(Issam Rimawi / APA images)

At least twice in 2013, Israeli occupation forces ambushed, shot and killed Palestinian children near schools in the occupied West Bank for no apparent reason, Human Rights Watch (HRW) says in a 5 January release.

“No evidence has been presented by the Israeli authorities that a 15-year-old boy fatally shot in the back by Israeli soldiers near his school on 9 December 2013 posed any threat to life that would justify such a killing,” HRW states.

The boy, Wajih al-Ramahi, was killed in Jalazone refugee camp near Ramallah.

It was “inconclusive” whether al-Ramahi “had joined Palestinian youths nearby who were throwing stones toward the soldiers, but the soldiers were approximately 200 meters away and not at any risk of being hit by stones,” HRW says, based on the testimonies it collected.

Israel’s heavily armed occupation forces frequently justify firing on Palestinians as a reaction to stone-throwing.

“Hiding near schools”

The killing of al-Ramahi was the second time in 2013 that “Israeli soldiers hiding near schools, apparently to make arrests, have killed children who posed no apparent threat,” said Joe Stork, HRW’s deputy Middle East and North Africa director.

In January 2013, Israeli occupation forces who had “concealed themselves next to a military fence not far from the boys’ school in the village of Budrus fatally shot Samir Awad, 16,” according to HRW.

“Awad had entered an open military gate in the Israeli separation barrier. Soldiers appeared and shot Awad as he tried to run away,” witnesses said, according to HRW.

The HRW release details the witness testimonies and other facts about both cases.

Ongoing attacks on children

Israeli occupation forces killed 28 Palestinians from the West Bank in 2013, three times as many as in 2012.

The year 2013 also saw the highest number of child fatalities by Israeli forces in the West Bank since 2006.

At least 11 children, including a two-year-old girl, were shot and injured by Israeli occupation forces enforcing the siege of Gaza during 2013.

Hala Abu Sbeikha, a toddler, was killed on 24 December 2013 in an Israeli air attack on Maghazi refugee camp in central Gaza.

Already on 3 January this year, Adnan Abu Khater, 16, died of injuries suffered when he was shot with live ammunition by Israeli occupation forces east of Jabaliya near the boundary fence between Gaza and present-day Israel.


HRW’s release highlights the persistent impunity enjoyed by members of the Israeli occupation forces who kill and injure Palestinians.

“Israel has indicted only 16 security officials for unlawfully killing Palestinians since September 2000, and convicted only six; the longest jail sentence imposed was for seven months, according to information Yesh Din, an Israeli rights group, obtained from the military,” says HRW.

Since 2000, more than 6,700 Palestinians, almost 1,400 of them children, have been killed by Israeli occupation forces in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights, West Bank0 Comments

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