Archive | ZIO-NAZI

Bibles at the Barricades: How the Right Seized Power in Bolivia

by BENJAMIN DANGL

Drawing by Nathaniel St. Clair

Returning to La Paz, Bolivia after last November’s coup was like returning to the scene of a crime. Since Bolivian President Evo Morales was removed from power, right-wing interim President Jeanine Áñez has led the country with an iron fist.

State repression immediately following the coup left dozens dead and the government has been throwing political enemies behind bars. The Áñez administration, now using the pandemic as a pretext for further crackdowns on dissent, is part of a rising right across the Americas.

The fierce conflicts following the October 20 election had left their mark on the city when I visited in March. Intersections were scarred from barricade bonfires. Graffiti across La Paz denounced the “Murderer Áñez.” A general sense of fear hung in the air. Rumors of government surveillance and political arrests were rampant. Everyday life continued as usual in the downtown traffic and sun, while state violence was meted out in the shadows.

One morning, I took the city’s aerial cable car system to El Alto to meet with journalist Julio Mamani. I passed hundreds of miners marching into La Paz from El Alto, their helmets shining in the sun, their yells blending with bus horns. Above, participants in a women’s march gathered, wearing green bandanas and denouncing both Morales and Añez for rising feminicides.

Mamani compared the Áñez government to past Bolivian dictators. “I was a witness of the 1979 Massacre of Todos Santos of General Busch. Now [state repression] is more sophisticated. They won’t hunt you down in the same manner. They use other forms, and in this case, it is intimidation.”

“I call it a kind of revenge,” he said.

The country arrived at this moment because of the coordinated efforts of the right. But many different elements converged to oust one of the most popular presidents in Bolivian history.

President Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party governed the country for 14 years. During that time, the MAS dramatically reduced poverty, used funds from the Bolivia’s vast natural resource wealth for popular social programs, and exerted economic and political sovereignty in the face of US imperialism and global capitalism. The indigenous rural poor benefitted greatly from this political project, and it’s from this sector that the MAS enjoyed its base of support

But in the eyes of Bolivia’s racist right, this was a crime. They wanted their power and profits back.

Certain negative actions and policies of the MAS government over these years in power also contributed to its own crisis of legitimacy in the lead up to the October 2019 elections. Critiques from the left and various movements have been levelled against the MAS government for years for the rise in violence against women, the harmful aspects of deepening extractivism, the handling of last year’s mass fires in the country, and state corruption and abuses of power.

“To understand what’s happening right now in Bolivia, it’s key to also understand the process of increased division and degradation that the social movements suffered during the tenure of Evo Morales,” Bolivian sociologist and historian Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui wrote in November of last year. “The movements who were initially the president’s support base were divided and degraded by a left that would allow only one possibility and wouldn’t allow autonomy.”

Such critiques and issues accumulated over the years. A breaking point was when Morales ignored the results of a 2016 referendum in which a majority of the population voted against allowing him to run again for president in 2019. In the lead up to the October 20, 2019 election, the MAS and Morales were already mired in a crisis of legitimacy, making them an easier target for the right, which had been consolidating forces and capitalizing off of the errors of the MAS.

Meanwhile, the opposition promoted a narrative about the likelihood of fraud in the weeks leading up to the election. The issue of fraud during the October 20th elections, which indicated Morales won another term, has been widely debated and investigated. Many of the people I spoke with in La Paz in March did not believe “monumental” fraud had been committed by the MAS, as the opposition claimed, but that a “typical” low level of irregularities had taken place. Regardless of the extent or existence of fraud, the Organization of American States strategically threw gasoline on the fire during a critical moment of the October crisis with their early claims of fraud, pushing the country into violence.

Following the election, protesters against Morales allied with right-wing leader Fernando Camacho and other racist figures, fomenting destabilization and violence in the country in an effort to force Morales out of office. These efforts ultimately created the pretext for a police and military intervention in the name of order, which is exactly what happened. On November 8, police across the country mutinied against the government, and the military “suggested” Morales step down on November 10.

Within this climate of violence and threats, Morales and other MAS leaders were forced to flee or go into hiding. Fearing for his life, Morales left the country for Mexico on November 10. The right, having planned for a seizure of the government, took advantage of the power vacuum and entered office with the crucial blessing of the Bolivian armed forces and the US embassy.

Right-wing Senator Jeanine Áñez declared herself president in front of an empty Congress on November 12. She celebrated entering office holding a massive Bible. “The Bible has returned to the government palace,” she declared. “My commitment is to return democracy and tranquility to the country.” Days later, state repression left over a dozen unarmed protesters and bystanders dead in Senkata and Sacaba, key areas of resistance to the coup regime.

Various elements contributed to the coup, from the MAS’s crisis of legitimacy to the resurgence and orchestrations of the Bolivian right. Yet the coup would not have been successful without the support of the police, military, and US embassy.

Following Áñez’s seizure of power, Bolivia has endured the worst state violence and political persecution it has seen in decades.

“They’re criminalizing social protest and social leaders—all of them are under severe investigations,” Bolivian journalist Fernando Molina explained to me at a café in La Paz. “If they are found to be linked to Evo Morales, they are detained and investigated. This fascist society uses justice so that their lynchings are not so vulgar, but rather more institutional. It’s a disaster for human rights.”

“There’s a ‘Bolsonarization’ of Bolivia,” Molina explained, referring to Brazil’s far-right President Bolsonaro. “It’s the Latin American version of the alt-right in the US, Trumpism.”

The coup and Áñez’s government empowered this movement. In general,” he said, “I see a right-wing movement, anti-institutional, anti-party, pro-arms, pro-Trump, catholic or evangelicals, as in the case of Añez, also Camacho, the Santa Cruz leader. Anti-gay movements, anti-feminist – those groups are very powerful and they were consolidated by these actions.”

The Áñez government threatens to roll back major progressive policies of the MAS, as well as victories won in the streets by Bolivia’s broad social, labor, and indigenous movements.

“The coup d’état is not just against the state, the government, but also the social movement organizations,” Aymara feminist activist Adriana Guzmán explained last November.

“What we lose is the possibility of carrying forward this process of transformation alongside the state,” Guzmán said. “But we don’t lose hope. We don’t lose conviction, we don’t lose our dreams, we don’t lose the urgency of making another world possible. It is much more difficult in a fascistic state, but we will continue to do it.”

Posted in USA, ZIO-NAZI, Bolivia, C.I.A0 Comments

A Few Good Sadists

by JEFFREY ST. CLAIR

Photograph Source: Sabrina Harman poses over the corpse of Manadel al-Jamadi, after he was tortured to death by CIA personnel – Public Domain

Here’s a flashback that may help to explain how we got to where we are: the day was April 302004. Alexander Cockburn and I were sitting by the pool having a gin and tonic at the old Richelieu Hotel in New Orleans’ French Quarter. The concierge, an elegant black man from Haiti named Jean-Claud, dropped a sheaf of papers on our table. “I hope I’m not disturbing you, Mr. Cockburn,” he said. “These just came through for you by fax with a note marked ‘Urgent.’”

Alex looked at the first page. It was the cover of The New Yorker magazine. He turned to me and said with a grin, “Can anything from the New Yorker ever truly be considered ‘urgent’?” He paused. “Unless, they’ve libeled you again.” He was referring to a story written by the late Michael Kelley a few years earlier which had accused me of consorting with eco-terrorists. “Let’s call a cab. Otherwise, we risk missing Allen Toussaint.” We were in New Orleans to attend JazzFest, one of the world’s greatest musical festival, especially for lovers of the blues. I walked backed to my room. As I opened the door, the phone began to ring. It was Alex. “Jeffrey, I don’t know if the fax qualifies as urgent, but I think it spells the end of the Bush administration. Perhaps we should have another drink and go over it.”

The fax was a copy of a 4,000 story by Seymour Hersh titled “Torture at Abu Ghraib.” Hersh’s exposé described in harrowing detailed the torture, humiliation and sadistic abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison outside of Baghdad by US prison guards and military police. Hersh’s story was based on a secret internal report made by the Army’s own investigator, Major General Anthony Taguba. The report described Iraqi prisoners being stripped naked, bound and gagged, beaten with clubs, confronted with guard dogs, sexually assaulted with wires, nightsticks and a phosphorous tube. Some detainees were dragged across the prison floor by a rope tied to their penises. Others had phosphoric acid poured over their bodies. The horrors of Abu Ghraib weren’t news. Reports of detainee abuse had been circulating in the press for nearly a year. Two lawsuits against the Army had already been filed. What was new in Hersh’s story, what both Alex and I believed would doom the Bush administration and probably land Donald Rumsfeld in prison, was the photos. The sadistic guards had taken selfies, one with the corpse of a man who they’d tortured to death. Others of bound naked men stacked into a pyramid. Others of hooded men with electrical wires rigged to their bodies. Photos that couldn’t be talked away.

We were wrong. Hersh’s story, and the damning photos that illustrated it, didn’t doom the Bush administration. Rumsfeld wasn’t indicted. The real architects of torture almost escaped any notice at all. The blame was laid on guards and low-level officers. A rogue operation we were told. In fact, it didn’t even stop the Bush administration’s torture program. The public was numb. Congress was impotent. The CIA and its murderous henchmen and shrinks continued their dirty work at black sites around the world with a sense of impunity: beating, prodding, stress-positioning, electro-shocking, starving, sleep-depriving and waterboarding detainees at will, for weeks and months at a time, regardless of whether they had any information at all to spill.

Flashforward to Trumptime: Trump may well be the first presidential candidate to publicly advocate torture on the campaign trail. He won’t be the last. Torture has finally found its demographic in the American electorate. It’s a wedge issue. And not just for the FoxNews crowd.

When it came time to replace Mike Pompeo (another holy roller torture advocate) at the CIA,  Trump knew just who to call: Gina Haspel, who had overseen the CIA’s torture operations at a black site in Thailand and later played a role in destroying 92 tapes relating to the agency’s torture program. Haspel is a grade-A war criminal and as such is the kind of woman who both excites and terrifies Trump.

Enter Chief Petty Officer Edward Gallagher, known as “Blade” to his co-conspirators in Navy SEAL Team 7. During the Battle of Mosul in 2017, Gallagher noticed a heavily sedated teenage detainee, thought to be a member of ISIS, being treated by a medic. Gallagher radioed to his squad, “He’s mine.” Gallagher then walked over to the immobilized boy, repeatedly stabbed him in the throat with his hunting knife and then posed for a selfie with the child’s corpse, holding its head up by the hair. Blade then texted the photo to friends back in the states, noting: “Good story behind this, got him with my hunting knife.” When two other SEALs reported the murder to their superiors, Gallagher threatened to kill them. In the end, Gallagher escaped the most serious charges of murder, but was convicted of posing with a corpse. Then Trump intervened, ordering that Gallagher’s demotion be overturned and that he remain a member of the SEALs. Trump brayed that he had “defended a great warrior against the Deep State” and vowed to bring along Gallagher to his reelection campaign rallies.

The missing link between the depraved  crimes of Abu Ghraib and the depredations of Edward Gallagher is, of course, Barack Obama. Obama’s fatal decision not to fully expose and prosecute the torturers of the Bush administration transformed their crimes into US policy. With nothing to restrain him, Trump was free to turn torture and murder into a political spectacle, using the Oval Office to recruit a few good sadists to serve the thirsts of the empire.

Corona Dub

Booked Up
What I’m reading this week…

American Zion: Cliven Bundy, God & Public Lands in the West
Betsy Gaines Quammen
(Torrey House Press)

Donald Trump and His Assault on Truth: the President’s Falsehoods, Misleading Claims and Flat-Out Lies
Glenn Kessler, Salvador Rizzo & Meg Kelly
(Scribner)

Extra Innings: My Life in Baseball
Max Schumacher
(Blue River Books)

Sound Grammar
What I’m listening to this week…

Ghosts of West Virginia
Steve Earle and the Dukes
(New West)

The Piano Equation
Matthew Shipp
(Tao Forms)

Discourses
John Balk
(ECM)

A Formula for Cruelty

“What I have said about Harlem is true of Chicago, Detroit, Washington, Boston, Philadelphia, Los Angeles and San Francisco—is true of every Northern city with a large Negro population. And the police are simply the hired enemies of this population. They are present to keep the Negro in his place and to protect white business interests, and they have no other function. They are, moreover—even in a country which makes the very grave error of equating ignorance with simplicity—quite stunningly ignorant; and, since they know that they are hated, they are always afraid. One cannot possibly arrive at a more surefire formula for cruelty.” (James Baldwin, A Report From Occupied Territory)

Posted in USA, ZIO-NAZI, C.I.A, Human Rights0 Comments

Palestine: Life under Nazi occupation

Hassan Salameh: the will that unilateral Nazi isolation has not overcome

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Gaza: Hassan Salameh is entering his twenty-fifth year in the prisons of the occupation. This consecutive year in the cells of injustice and oppression has failed to defeat his spirit and will.

Hasan spent 14 years in solitary confinement cells, and in these years many things have changed in life, for people, buildings and the shape of cities, but the constant in them is his longing for freedom and to return to the bosom of his mother, who is tired of waiting.

The Nazi occupation forces arrested Hassan Salameh from Alia Hospital in the city of Hebron, his fiancé, Ghafran Zamil, said to “Quds Al- Akhbariya” , after he was wounded by gunfire in an ambush set up by the occupation.

Hassan was chased by the Nazi occupation for his role in carrying out the operations to respond to the assassination of the martyr Yahya Ayyash, after he came to the Nazi occupied West Bank from the Gaza Strip, in order to avenge the assassination of the engineer who shook his assassination Palestine.

Hassan stayed for days believed to have been martyred after his injury, and that the nurses distributed in the hospital inside the Nazi occupied area are the angels before he wakes up to the brutal torture he was subjected to by the Nazi Gastapo of the Nazi occupation,

Hassan was subjected to a harsh investigation for 4 consecutive months, confirming Ghafran, and the Nazi occupation Gastapo intelligence investigators were hitting him on the wound site to force him to confess.

He is serving a life sentence of 48 and 33 additional years, and he is one of the highest rulers in the history of the Palestinian captive movement.

The Nazi occupation was not satisfied with this great judgment on Hassan and the torture he was subjected to, so he isolated him in solitary cells for 14 whole years, in two stages, the first was from 1997 to 2000, then from 2001 until 2012 when he went out to the departments after the dignity strike.

“What kept Hassan strong and hard in the solitary cells designed by the occupation to defeat the captive, was his spirit and his will, which ultimately triumphed over the jailer,” she said.

“I always say, for your strong good spirit, the only thing that will not change in you, as if it is the same spirit and will that you were when you arrested 25 years ago,” she says, forgiveness.

She continued: “My association with Hassan was during his solitary confinement, as if it were a divine message that life and hope will be born from the womb of death that the occupation wanted.”

Ghafran was arrested for months in the Nazi occupation Camp, and she personally witnessed the suffering of the prisoners. The Nazi occupation also arrested most of her family, and her brother, Saad Zamil, was martyred in the Al-Aqsa Intifada.

Ghofran affirms that “hope is great and increases with the news circulating about negotiations to conclude a prisoner exchange deal with the occupation, that Freedom Hassan has come close.”


The Nazi occupation decides to extend the detention of 46 prisoners

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Ramallah: The Palestinian Prisoners and Editors Affairs Authority reported today, Saturday, that the Nazi occupation courts in “Ofer” and “Salem” decided today to extend the detention of 46 prisoners for different periods under the pretext of completing the investigation.

The authority said, in a statement, today, Saturday, that the Ofer Nazi Court extended the detention of the prisoners: Ubaida Al-Titi, Saeed Ja`bari, Muhammad Abu Hashhash, Ziyad Abu Salem, Suhaib Jaffal, Abdul Rahman Hammad, Muhammad Tamezi, Abdul Fattah Abu Jahisha, and Muhammad Asmar for eight days. For investigation, the prisoner Abdul Majeed Al-Rajabi has 8 days to present an indictment.

Nazi Ofer court also extended the detention of prisoners: Dawood Jaffal, Bara ‘Ammar, 7 days for interrogation, and prisoners Suleiman Asfour, Ibrahim Abu Redhah, Hamza Fakih, Nasser Asakrah, Muhammad Taha, Anas Halayqa and Rabih Farrukh 6 days for investigation, while extended to Majdi Al Deek 6 days The investigation and transferring his file to the prosecution, while the prisoner Mohammed Al-Hroub extended his detention for 4 days.

The commission stated that the Salem Military Court extended the prisoners: Nasser Bassam Abu Bakr, 12 days for investigation, and Minor Qasim Abu Bakr, 5 days to transfer the case to the prosecution, while an indictment was presented to the prisoner Saeed Faruq Abu Haniyeh and appointed a session for him on the 14th of next July.

An indictment was also filed against the prisoners: Abdullah Radwan, Muawiya Radwan, and Mahmoud Nidal Radwan and the appointment of court hearings for them on July 14.

It extended the detention of the prisoners: Marseel in the name of Abu Bakr, Anas Kamel Abu Shamleh, and Ali Mahmoud Abu Bakr, for an additional 7 days, prevented the prisoners Thabit Atiya Abu Bakr, and competed Atia Abu Bakr from meeting with the lawyer, and extended them for 12 days to investigate. “Petah Tikva,” next Sunday.

It prevented the prisoner, Ribhi Muhammad Abu Bakr, from meeting his lawyer, and extended his detention for 8 days to investigate. Yassin Yusef Hussein Sabah, who followed Petah Tikva, continued for 8 days to investigate. It also prevented Ahmed Ribhi Abu Bakr from meeting his lawyer for a period of 12 days. His detention was extended for 6 days, and Kamel Abu Shamleh was detained for 12 days for investigation.

The Salem Military Court also extended the arrest of the prisoner Nazmi Muhammad Abu Bakr 6 days, prevented him from meeting with a lawyer, Muhammad Abdul Rahim Nasr for 8 days for investigation, and Joseph Sabah in “Petah Tikva” for 8 days, and prevented the captive Annan Shami from meeting his lawyer and extended his detention 7 days. Al-Najjar 10 days, and Dean of Hotari for 8 days, and Basil Atiya Abu Bakr was prevented from meeting his lawyer for 12 days, and the boy Khaled Ribhi Abu Bakr (14 years) was arrested for 6 days for investigation.


Prisoners Authority: “Repression Units” stormed Section “3” of Ashkelon prison

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Nazi occupied Palestine: According to human rights sources, the Nazi occupation forces’ oppression forces stormed a section of Palestinian prisoners in Ashkelon Nazi Camp.

In a statement, the Prisoners and Editors Affairs Authority stated that the Nazi occupation oppression units stormed Section “3” in Ashkelon Nazi Camp, and assaulted the prisoners held there.

She added that the incursion lasted for four hours, as the forces assaulted the prisoners, tampered with their belongings, and destroyed the “cantina” materials and food.

It is noteworthy that the Nazi occupation authorities are holding 30 Palestinian prisoners in Section 3 of Ashkelon Nazi Camp.

Walid Daqqa .. How does a dream of return come true?

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“I do not want to return to the past Palestine, mandatory Palestine where cacti, pomegranate and water mills are because they simply do not exist except in memory, and when Palestine becomes romantic, the right of return becomes utopian and this romance for return keeps us away from the return itself, I want to return to the future Palestine In which the unified Palestinian identity must coincide with the geography of the entire homeland. “

Thus, the prisoner Walid Daqqa expressed his vision for the future in Palestine, which we are unable to reach when we remain in a vicious circle of romantic talk about the past without going through the construction phase and working towards achieving return and liberation on the ground.

So that romance is not a substitute for liberation:

“Walid does not like romantic speech or the swollen language that obscures the direct, realistic action in order to achieve liberation,” said Sanaa Salama, wife of Walid Daqqa, to “Jerusalem News “.

“Walid has always had a different vision of all the dominant language in the Palestinian community,” he continued, saying, “After all these years in prison, I do not want to describe to me the patience general what I want you to do to liberate me and bring me back to life.”

“Walid sanctifies thought, work, and plans and studies to reach the supreme goal of our people, which is liberation, and not with constructive speeches that do not enrich anything from reality.

In a previous interview with “Al-Akhbar” newspaper, Walid says: “Oslo divided the Palestinian people, then it was natural for the prisoners to be divided. Whoever talks about a state in the West Bank and not a homeland will automatically surrender, even if he claims otherwise, to his historical narrative of identity and the people. Palestinian, and the most important components of the Nakba and the novel of asylum. “

“What prevents the Palestinian people from taking steps towards building a real project for return and liberation, is first the group of influential people who work to thwart any practical movement of people, and then the despair that afflicted society due to a group of disappointments that afflicted it,” said Sanaa.

Despair luxury:

Sanaa asserts that “Walid from the moment of his arrest wanted to destroy the authority of the occupation prisons on him and refused to be just a number as the occupation planned for that, and he always said that every person has a duty to read the developments in his reality and work to change it and develop himself.”

She added: “Walid applied on a personal level everything that people called him, so therefore in an interview with him, despair for a person like him is a luxury that no one like him can reach.”

“Through the act of writing that he practiced throughout his years of detention, Walid was able to defy the will of the occupation prisons and establish himself free from restrictions,” says Sana.

And Walid continues, “Walid is always optimistic, but he always calls for action for change. If we remain as we are, the future will not be better than the present, and the situation may deteriorate for the worse.”

I write for the birth of the future:

Years before his daughter “Milad” came to life, Walid wrote to her a message as if he was updating it: write to an idea or dream that is intimidating the jailer unintentionally or unknowingly, and before it is fulfilled, I write to any child or girl, I write to my son who has not yet come to life And I write for the birth of the future, that is how we want to call / name it, and thus I want the future to know us. “

Walid’s haunted dream of a better future came true after all these years in prison, and he and his wife, Ried, had their daughter through “smuggled sperm”, despite the prison, which wanted to be imprisoned with Walid his future and dreams.

The Nazi occupation arrested the captive Walid Daqqa from the town of Baqa al-Gharbiyeh, in the occupied interior in the year 1948, and to generate various publications and articles in political and literary affairs.


Updated Arrests and the delivery of summonses to investigate Jerusalem and the Nazi occupied West Bank

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Nazi occupied Jerusalem: At dawn today, the occupation forces launched a massive arrest campaign in Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank, targeting a number of Palestinian youths.

Palestinian intelligence and police forces raided and searched Palestinian homes and wreaked havoc in the Old City and several neighborhoods in Silwan.

Local sources reported that the Nazi Gastapo forces had delivered summonses from Jerusalem to interrogators in the Israeli detention centers, including Nidal Zugheer, Hisham Bashiti and Musa al-Daqqaq.

Whereas, the Nazi occupation forces arrested both; Ahmad Abu Ghazaleh, Muhammad Gulani, Adham Zaatari, Abdullah Gulani, Raed Zughair, Ali Jaber, and Muhammad al-Daqqaq.

Today, the occupation army arrested a young man, Nur Manasrah, after they raided the house of his relatives in the town of Al-Eizariya, east of occupied Jerusalem.

The Nazi occupation forces stormed this morning, Shuafat camp, north-east of Jerusalem, and arrested a young man.

For its part, Al-Asir Club stated that the occupation forces arrested 18 Palestinians from the Nazi occupied West Bank and Jerusalem, most of them from the capital, from Tuesday night to Tuesday morning.

He said that the Nazi occupation forces arrested Qais Muhammad Al-Barghouthi, and the supporters of Muharram Al-Barghouthi from the town of Kober, Ramallah District.

Meanwhile, Wa`ad Jamal Al-Badawi (25 years old), Musab Asfour (27 years old), and Naseem Tayseer Al-Titi (17 years old) from Hebron, were arrested by the army, and he also delivered a summons to the family of the young Adam Tafesh from Al-Aroub camp to surrender.

The Nazi occupation forces stormed the town of Yaab, Jenin District, and arrested both; Abdul Rahim Abu Bakr, Muhammad and Qais Amarneh.

The Nazi occupation forces arrested Musa Mahmoud Khalifa from the town of Al-Ubeidiya, the Bethlehem district, after raiding his house, with the aim of pressuring his son Qutaiba to surrender.


Nazi occupation police arrest a guard of the Al-Aqsa Mosque

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Nazi occupied Jerusalem: This morning, the occupation police arrested a guard of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque during his work.

Quds correspondent reported that the Nazi occupation police arrested Hamza Nimr, one of Al-Aqsa guards, while he was working in the Dome of the Rock.

She added that the Nazi occupation police took a tiger to investigate one of its centres in the city.

It is noteworthy that Hamza Nimer is one of the mosque guards who suffered from the Nazi occupation’s policy of beating, arresting, and summoning for interrogation, as well as deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque for several months.

It is noteworthy that the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque is closed by order of the Islamic Endowments Department as a precautionary measure to limit the spread of the Corona virus, and it is only allowed to enter the guards and Al-Aqsa Mosque and workers in the department.


The Nazi occupation rejects the early release of the sick prisoner Iyad Jerjawi

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Nazi occupied Palestine: The Palestinian Prisoners and Editors Affairs Authority said today, Wednesday, that the so-called “Early Release Committee” of the Nazi occupation rejected the authority’s request submitted yesterday to demand the release of the sick prisoner Iyad Al-Jarjawi (34 years).

The Commission indicated that the prisoner Al-Jerjawi suffers from a cancerous tumour in the nerve block in the brain, after the Nazi Camp Administration of the occupation informed the prisoner of the results of the medical examinations he conducted months ago.

She made it clear that he needed to have surgery to eradicate the tumour, otherwise he would be exposed to vision loss and sensation on the right side of the body, according to what the occupation doctors told him.

The authority pointed out that the prisoner has long suffered from chronic headaches, severe pain in the head and various parts of the body, and he was subjected to great delay by the Nazi occupation Prisons Administration and his doctors to undergo medical examinations to determine his health status.

It is noteworthy that the prisoner Al-Jarjawi from Khan Yunis, south of the Gaza Strip, was arrested by the occupation forces on the thirteenth of June 2011, and the Nazi court issued a verdict of imprisonment for nine years.


Guards of Al-Aqsa Mosque was expelled for a week

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Nazi occupied Jerusalem: The Nazi occupation police decided to remove a guard from the Al-Aqsa Mosque from him for a week.

Today, Wednesday, the Nazi occupation Police ruled that a guard, Hamza Nimer, should be removed from Al-Aqsa Mosque for a week, and that he would return to investigation on the 26th of this month.

The Nazi occupation police arrested a tiger yesterday while he was in the Al-Aqsa Mosque, and after hours of interrogation he was released.

It is mentioned that Hamza Nimer is one of the mosque guards who suffered from the Nazi occupation’s policy of beating, arresting, and summoning for interrogation, as well as deportation from Al-Aqsa Mosque for several months.


With names and pictures Amid confrontations, the Nazi occupation army launches a wide campaign of arrests in the West Bank

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Nazi occupied Palestine: The Nazi occupation army launched a massive campaign of arrests in the cities of the West Bank, at dawn today, Thursday, when they raided dozens of Palestinian homes and arrested students and freed prisoners.

The Nazi occupation army stormed the city of Qalqilya and arrested each of the released prisoners. Muhammad Talal Shuraim, Abd al-Rahman Mazen Khadrj, Zaki Abd al-Fattah Dawood, Jamal Othman Dawud, Husni Sharif al-Nis, and Abd al-Haq Mazen Khadrj.

From Jenin, the occupation army stormed several houses in the town of Ya`d, southwest of the city, and withdrew after the arrest of each of them; The freed prisoner Imad Al-Abadi and his son Omar, the child Yazid Abdel Rahim Abu Abed, and Shaalan Kiwan Abu Bakr.

The Nazi occupation targeted Birzeit University students who live in the villages of Ramallah, where the army arrested Ezz Shabana from Sanjel (north), Mahdi Karajeh from Safa (west), and Basil Al-Barghouthi from Beit Rima (west), and the two young men, Malik Hamid, from Silwad (east) were arrested Shadi Injas from Khurbatha Bani Harith (west), and the father of the captive, Mustafa Al-Barghouthi, Adel Al-Barghouthi, from Beit Rima.

The Nazi occupation army arrested the captive editor Ibrahim Suman and Muhammad Talab Musa from Bethlehem, and the young man, Iyad Muhammad Sadaqah, was arrested while passing through a military checkpoint in Nablus, knowing that he is from the village of Anza in Jenin.

As for Hebron, its towns and villages witnessed storms and arrests at dawn today, affecting at least six Palestinians, and they are; Muayyad al-Wahwah from Dura (to the south), Haitham Abdullah Asafra and Osama Abdullah Asafra from Beit Kahil (west), the freed captive Uday Zaqaq, Qusay Samar Muhanna Abu Maria, and Ibrahim Al-Jabaie Abu Maria from Beit Ummar (north).

During the campaign of arrests launched by the occupation army at dawn today, some towns and villages witnessed clashes between Palestinian youths and soldiers who fired bullets and sound and gas bombs at young men and houses intensively, which led to the recording of some injuries.


The editor Abu Hashhash .. put his four children in their prisons and chase their fifth

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Nazi occupied Hebron: “By God, I do not sleep at night, they have taken all my children and now want their youngest to throw him in their prisons like the rest of his brothers.” Abu Hashhash’s family is one of the Palestinian families who have suffered and continue to suffer from violations of the Nazi occupation with its various barbaric policies.

Isaac Abu Hashhash, 58, from Al-Fawwar camp in Hebron, recalls how he began his story with the occupation when he was young in the 1980s. The Nazi occupation arrested him from his family home and sent him to prison for two years.

He tells ” Quds News “: “The occupation has been targeting the family for many years. Today, four of my sons are being held in its prisons, and the youngest of them is now being pursued through a policy of threats and intimidation.” 

He adds that the occupation transferred his eldest son, Mahmoud (31 years), to administrative detention for four months, after he was arrested on the fifth of May.

Mahmoud is married, father of a child and another waiting, and previously suffered from administrative detention as the last administrative order is his fifth or sixth, according to his father.

He confirmed that 13 years ago he was trying to obtain his university degree, and he was studying nursing, and because of his frequent arrests, he was converted to study English literature, and the occupation arrested him a month before the date of the exams.

As for the second son, Ahmed (22 years), he is also a university student. The occupation forces arrested him in October 2019, transferred him to administrative detention, and recently issued an administrative order against him for the second time for six months.

As for Muhammad (21 years) and Majdi (19 years), according to their father, they are still being interrogated in the “Ashkelon” investigation center, where the first was arrested on the fifth of this May with his brother Mahmoud, and the second in the 18 of the same month. 

Abu Mahmoud says to “Quds”: “They denied me my children, they arrested the four, and they want their fifth brother who is a child (16 years of age). God, I do not sleep at night because of targeting my children.”

The Nazi occupation army stormed the house of Uncle Yitzhak Abu Hashhash and raised terror in the hearts of its residents. He had five sons and four daughters, sometimes the passage went through without inspection, especially if the door was opened for them who was wanted for arrest, or storming with careful search and sabotage. 

Al-Asir Club commented on this by saying: “The Abu Hashhash family is a model of dozens of Palestinian families that the Nazi occupation continues to target, through repeated arrests, which are accompanied by continuous abuse and threat.

The Prisoner Club renewed its continuous call to international human rights institutions to take more effective roles in revealing and ending the daily Nazi occupation crimes.


The Nazi occupation forces arrested a Palestinian woman and her daughter in the town of Ya`bad, Jenin

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Nazi occupied Jenin: The Nazi occupation forces arrested a Palestinian woman and her daughter in the morning raid on the town of Yabad, southwest of Jenin, in the occupied West Bank.

Local sources reported that the occupation forces arrested Suhaila Muhammad Abu Bakr, 45, and her daughter, Iman Abu Bakr, 16, as they stormed the town of Ya`bad, southwest of Jenin.

According to the sources, the Nazi occupation arrested Abu Bakr, a mother of eight children, for the fourth time in a row, and her daughter for the third time in a row, and that the head of the family, Nazmi Muhammad Yunus Abu Bakr (48 years), has been detained since the twelfth of this month, and he is under investigation in Al Jalameh prison.

The sources indicated that more than 15 Nazi military vehicles stormed the western neighborhood and stationed in the Al-Salama neighborhood, and carried out raids and incursions on many of the citizens ’homes, interspersed with violence and intimidation by the occupation soldiers who attacked the owners of the targeted houses and destroyed their contents.

Among the targeted house owners were: Attiya Muhammad Yunus Abu Bakr, and his two arrested brothers, Nazmi, and my profit, in addition to the Abu Bakr Diwan in the Salamah neighborhood.

In the meantime, clashes erupted between groups of youths and the Nazi occupying forces, who fired a barrage of sound and tear gas canisters, without any casualties reported until the preparation of this news.

Since the killing of a soldier after targeting a stone during its storming, on the 12th of this month, the town has been subjected to a campaign of collective punishment that included: incursions, raids and continuous arrests, which affected 44 citizens, including children and women.

Prisoner Janazerah continues his strike for the 13th consecutive day

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Nazi occupied Hebron: Prisoner Sami Janazra (47 years old), who is isolated in the Ayla Nazi Camp, will continue his hunger strike for the 13th consecutive day.

A prisoner from the Al-Fawar camp in Hebron is going on a hunger strike. In protest against his administrative detention, he spent many years in the occupation prisons in the “administrative”.

This is the third strike by the prisoner as a funeral against his administrative detention since 2016, and he has been detained since September 2019, and he has been issued with two administrative detention orders of four months.

The funeral of a strike in 2015/2016 continued for a period of 76 days, as well as another strike period in 2017 for 43 days.

The captive has three children; Firas is 16, Mahmoud Darwish is 12, and Maria is 8, and he is waiting for his fourth child in the coming days.

He was hoping for freedom and in the presence of the birth of his next child, especially since he did not attend the birth of two of his children and was in captivity.

It is noteworthy that the female funeral spent about 11 years in the Nazi occupation Camp, most of them in administrative detention.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights0 Comments

Nazi army bans Adhan, evicts worshipers from Ibrahimi mosque

Nazi occupied Hebron: Nazi forces on Friday banned Adhan (the Muslim call to prayer) at the Ibrahimi mosque in occupied Hebron and prevented worshipers from performing Fajr prayers.

Sheikh Hifzi Abu Sneineh, the general manager of the Ibrahimi mosque, said Nazi forces set up military barriers and intensified their measures on the roads leading to the Ibrahimi Mosque. They also prevented Palestinian worshipers from reaching the mosque and evicted hundreds of them while trying to perform prayers in the courtyards of the mosque.

Abu Sneineh condemned the Nazi measures to empty the mosque of worshipers and open it for the Nazi Jewish settlers.

The Nazi army also broke into the mosque, interrupting the mosque’s Muezzin, Siraj Sharif, and preventing him from Adhan. Nazi soldiers evicted Sharif and held a worshiper for several hours.

Nazi Jewish settler also broke into the mosque and threatened worshipers during Fajr prayer.

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How Palestine solidarity became a litmus test in Germany

Germany’s attempt to muzzle thinker and philosopher Achille Mbembe on the grounds of anti-semitism amounts to an extension of Israeli apartheid

By Majed Abu Salama

When it comes to Israeli injustices, the German government is not only “turning a blind eye”, but is also acting as its European modern day saviour.

Over the past few years, Germany has reached a new level of oppressing Palestinian voices while militarising the Israeli army, instead of reflecting upon its broader history and responsibilities toward the massive and ongoing injustice in Palestine.
Germany’s most recent target for the accusation of anti-semitism, is Achille Mbembe – a well-known Cameroonian historian, thinker and philosopher who has dedicated his life to decolonising white Eurocentric discourses, and proposing radical visions for the Global South.

Earlier this month, German conservative FDP politician, Lorenz Deutsch, accused Mbembe of anti-semitism and Holocaust “relativisation”, and demanded that he be disinvited from speaking at the Ruhrtriennale festival, because he has compared South African apartheid to the oppression of Palestinians.

Felix Klein, Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life and Against Anti-Semitism, heard the demand and echoed it.

The accusation has shocked academics around the world and raised questions about Germany’s academic freedom in general, and for pro-Palestinian dialogue, specifically.

In reality, the accusations are another attempt by German policy makers to manipulate the discourse of anti-semitism in order to distract from their own failures, and scapegoat and attack the Palestinian struggle.

In fact, Mbembe’s scholarship invites everyone to learn from other histories that emerge beyond borders and identities. It interrogates real life lessons from colonialism, enslavement, capitalism, imperialism, South African apartheid, and the segregation of Black and People of Color by Europeans and their descendants.

The German criminalisation of pro-Palestinian voices is a violation of freedom of expression, as well as an outright denial of the Palestinian right to resistance and self-determination. The misplaced accusation of “anti-semitism” is being used to persecute those who speak for the Palestinian right of return, or the call for a one-state solution, and distracts from finding a just peace.

Wielding the “anti-semitism” accusation as a slur not only silences critique of Israeli policies and crimes against humanity in Palestine/Israel, it also manufactures persecution and censorship of the more than 200,000 Palestinians in Germany, as well as solidarity groups inside and outside of Germany.

These practices are an extension of Israeli apartheid, imposing limits and regulating speech about Israel. Germany’s staunch defense of Israel both domestically and at the European Union is putting any intellectual dialogue and critique related to Israeli apartheid and Palestinian rights under siege.

This discrimination is part of a collective punishment that reaches everyone whether they are Palestinian, or Jewish, or from another group. I am one of them. Israeli Zionist influence in Germany is instrumentalised to censor, ban and forbid Palestinians and pro-Palestine organisations from operating in the public sphere.

They twist and fabricate false narratives which portray the Boycott Diverment and Sanctions (BDS) movement as illegitimate, and smear its supporters as being motivated by anti-Jewish hatred, rather than opposition to Israel’s polices of military occupation, land theft for settler-colonialism,regular massacres of civilians and a total system of apartheid over Palestinians.

This influence was instrumental in backing Israel’s hostility regarding the prospect of an ICC investigation into possible war crimes, and forcing a German bank to close the account for Jewish Voices for a Just Peace in the Middle East, a renowned Jewish organisation that advocates for Palestinian rights in Germany.

In another example, Peter Schafer, the former director of Berlin’s Jewish Museum, was forced to quit over a pro-BDS re-tweet, after a huge Israeli campaign to delegitimise him branded him as “anti-Israel”. The tweet was a simple article on the 240 Jewish and Israeli scholars who signed a petition opposing the German parliament’s recent motion condemning the BDS movement for Palestinian rights.

These actions are not without precedence. Last year, the US American rapper Talib Kweli had his German tour cancelled because of his support for BDS. Scottish band Young Fathers was disinvited from the Ruhrtriennale festival; the German city of Aachen tried to block US American-Lebabese artist Walid Raad from receiving an award; and the renowned British-Pakistani Novelist Kamila Shamsie was stripped of an award because of her support of the BDS Movement.

On 17 May 2019, the German government’s attempts to limit the pro-Palestine cause reached a new level. A non-binding resolution was declared against the BDS movement, and it has been used since then as a cover to justify excluding critics of Israel in the public sphere, and manufacture a new layer of oppression that strips people of their freedom of conscience. It has become clear that the primary focus of German foreign policy is to protect Israel within Germany and beyond.

According to many Jewish groups and academics worldwide, the BDS movement has demonstrated an ongoing commitment to fighting anti-semitism and all forms of racism and bigotry. Talib Kweli emphasised on Facebook that “by lying and saying that BDS is an anti-semitic movement, the German movement is engaging in Fascism and doing a disservice to the German people.”

Accusing Achille Mbembe of anti-semitism united academics worldwide in their outrage; 377 scholars and artists from more than 30 countries signed a pledge opposing political litmus tests in Germany.

They collectively agreed to decline future invitations to serve on juries, prize committees, or in academic hiring consultations in Germany, if there were “convincing indicators that their decisions may be subject to ideological or political interference or litmus tests.”

Can we consider this a winning moment for the Palestinian cause? Will this contribute to decolonising Germany past and present? Will we Palestinians feel safe to speak up in Germany?

Germany must now seize the opportunity to learn from Mbembe and the Palestinians who try to struggle for an equal future for all, through supporting human rights, and an intersectional, anti-racist movement such as BDS.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Germany0 Comments

Nazi Gastapo kill man, wound another with Down Syndrome in Nabi Saleh

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Nazi Gastapo shot a Palestinian man dead and wounded another man with Down Syndrome in western Ramallah.

Local sources told QNN that Nazi soldiers opened fire at a Palestinian vehicle in Wadi Rayya near the village of Nabi Saleh in western Ramallah. The army claimed that the man, named Fadi Samara, was planning to run over them.

WAFA quoted local sources, who said that the Nazi racist soldiers prevented medical teams and journalists from reaching Samara and left him bleeding until he died.

Violent confrontations erupted in the village. Nazi Gastapo used live rounds and tear gas canisters against citizens, wounding a man with Down Syndrome in his leg with a live bullet.

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Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights0 Comments

Palestine: Resisting the Nazi annexation

Posted by: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

“when they demolished it the first time, my wife and children started screaming and crying. Next minute they were pushing soldiers around and challenging them”… Stories of native Palestinians who have no choice but to resist.

 Qassam Muaddi  

For a week now, Palestinians are supposed to be free of all agreements signed with ‘Israel’, according to the Palestinian president’s declarations in response to the occupation state’s announcement of annexing parts of the West Bank, coming July. While this supposed break-up and the accompanying EU and UN warning declarations, once more, show no concrete effects on the ground, Israeli annexation plans do. Occupation authorities have been issuing eviction orders to Palestinians living in the areas threatened of annexation, while settler attacks continue to target Palestinian lands in the West Bank countryside and the Jordan valley.

However, Palestinians in the West Bank don’t seem to be giving in to Israeli annexation anytime soon. Across the West Bank, resistance to the colonization of Palestinian lands takes many form, despite lacking support and material means.

“I have nowhere else to go”

“When the bulldozer touched the roof the first time and brought down the first stones, I felt like a knife went through my heart”. Ramzi Qysiyehh recalls the first time his house and restaurant were demolished for the first time. The 50-year-old Palestinian resident of Beit Jala has lost his home and livelihood to the occupation bulldozers, seven times already. “I inherited the land from my father” explains Ramzi. “I first built my house and my restaurant, there, in 2000. Then in 2012 they told me for the first time that I didn’t have a building permit”.

Ramzi’s land is located in Al Makhrour valley, West of Beit Jala, which is classified area (c) under direct Israeli control. In such areas, today threatened to be annexed by the occupation state, Palestinians are forbidden to build. But ramzi sees the other side of this policy; “They built an entire city in the Har Gilo settlement right in front of me. They even built a tunnel that goes underneath Beit Jala to connect Har Gilo with the settlements on the other side”, he points out, “how come settlers can build here and I don’t?”.

In fact, Al Makhrour area is located right next to the Israeli high way that crosses through Palestinian lands, linking Har Gilo and Israeli settlements in the Bethlehem and Hebron region, to the south, directly with Jerusalem. The Israeli occupation has built the settlers’ southern gate to Jerusalem right through Al Makhrour, and Palestinian families like Ramzi’s, are standing in the way. However, for Ramzi, there is only one fact that counts: “This is my land, my home, I have nowhere else to go”.

Stay, build a life, repeat…

Out of the seven times, Ramzi’s property was demolished, three were in 2019 alone. Ramzi remembers that “when they demolished it the first time, my wife and children started screaming and crying. Next minute they were pushing soldiers around and challenging them”. For most Palestinian families, building a house is a life-time project. Losing it to demolition is a loss from which many can’t recover without help. But according to Ramzi; “watching my family defying the occupation, I realized I had no other choice but to do the same”, he stresses, “There, at that moment in front of the rubble of my house, I decided I was going to build it back, as many times as necessary”.

Al Makhrour restaurant opened again in less than a year. Works weren’t over yet, but as Ramzi explains “customers were waiting for it to reopen. It didn’t take much to get the business back on the track”. But occupation bulldozers came back in 2013 and demolished everything again. “Many people told me it wasn’t worth it”, says Ramzi, “they told me it will get demolished again, that I should stop trying. But I made up my mind. No one can tell me where and how to live” he insists.

After seven demolitions, Ramzi feels “exhausted. I received no help from anyone. I live in a rented house with my family now and try to recover”. However, he remains determined: “If I was to give up, I wouldn’t have put up the fight in the first place” he affirms, “If I’m a thorn in their throats, then better. It’s my land, and nothing else matters”.

Collective action

While some Palestinians like Ramzi Qaysiyeh resist practically alone, others stand in the face of advancing colonization collectively. Always depending on their local, popular ways of organizing and responding to land-grab attempts. It’s the case of Wadi Assik valley, East of Ramallah, where an entire Bedwin community along with surrounding villages, stands in front of eviction, settler activity, and land-grab.

“It was early in the morning when the settlers came and started to take measures and put marks on the ground” says 45-year-old Abu Bashar Kaabnah, a Palestinian resident of the Bedwin community of Wadi Assik. “One of them was giving instructions like he was in charge, so I approached him and asked what were they doing, and he replied that they were new neighbors”.

The Palestinian Bedwin community of Wadi Assik gathers over 200 families, in a valley located between the Eastern hills of Ramallah region. The land, originally owned by families from the Palestinian villages of Ramoun and Deir Dibwan, is a few hundred meters away from the Israeli Allon road, that connects Israeli settlements in the North of the West Bank with Jerusalem. According to Abu Maher, a local social activist in Ramoun, “It’s a very fertile land. In some places the arable soil is 12 meters deep. It contains more than 30 water wells, including Roman wells, some of which have up to 1000 cubic meters capacity”.

Israeli settlement road overlooking a number of houses of the Palestinian Bedwin community at Wadi Assik valley

Everything about Wadi Assik, in addition to it being in area (c) made Israeli attempts to take it a matter of time. When the settlers came, Abu Bashar Kaabnah wasn’t surprised; “since Netanyahu announced that he will annex area (c) next July, we were expecting them” he points out, “the occupation army came to the community in the last week of Ramadan and gave eviction orders to no less than 35 families, plus the school”. The two-rooms barrack school was established three years ago, despite the fact that the occupation had it forbidden it.

Crowd response

“I was at home when I received a call from local youth in town, who told me that there are settlers with bulldozers in Wadi Assik” recalls Abu Maher, “I called the local imam, who started to spread the news from the mosque speakers, calling people to action, while I drove my car straight to the valley”. Abu Bashar recalls that “in less than thirty minutes more than 300 people had gathered here. They came from surrounding villages of Ramoun and Deir Dibwan and from Bedwin communities all over the region”.

The increasing crowd had its effect, according to Abu Maher: “the settlers stopped works immediately and the occupation forces arrived. They were armed to the teeth”. Abu Bashar describes the scene: “They brought gas bomb-throwers fixed on the top of military jeeps, pointed at us, plus dozens of foot-soldiers who showed up above the hill and marched towards our location, but we didn’t move”.

“Show the occupation that Palestinians are not alone”

Four hours later, the crowd dispersed, as the settlers left the place too. “The occupation came and threatened us of using force if we didn’t leave,” says Abu Maher, “it had been several hours that we stopped the settlers from working, we knew the day was over, so we began to leave slowly” he adds. However, Abu Bashar sustains that “this is only the beginning. They will come back and the only way of stopping them is this, all together”.

Abu Bashar Kaabnah, resident of the Palestinian Bedwin comunity of Wadi Assik valley, which Israeli settlers and forces attempt to take over since May 26.

Abu Maher shares the same point of view; “the same night we held a meeting between representatives from Ramoun and Deir Dibwan and agreed to organize mass action to protect the land”, he points out, adding that “We decided to collectively hire a lawyer and make a case at the Israelí court, at the same time we continue to resist on the ground”. From his side, Abu Bashar believes that “if Khan Al Ahmar was able to resist, we can make it too, but only if we hold together”. Abu Maher thinks that the way to do it is clear; “The way we responded spontaneously showed that are ready. We just need to organize it”. Abu Maher takes a deep breath before adding: “we also need the support of everyone in the world, to show the occupation that Palestinians are not alone”.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, USA, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights, Politics0 Comments

Nazi Gastapo forces family to demolish house of handicapped mother

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

Nazi Gastapo forced the family of Rasmiyyeh Basheer, a 72-year-old handicapped mother, to demolish her house in occupied Jerusalem.

Local sources said the grandson of Rasmiyyeh had to demolish the house, in compliance with the Nazi regime orders.

The family of Rasmiyyeh had built the house 7 years ago specifically to suit her health condition, according to her son. The old lady has been using a wheelchair and suffering from several chronic diseases.

The Nazi Gastapo demolished the 85-meter house, displacing three of Rasmiyyeh’s family in addition to her.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights0 Comments

Yemen: Saudi-UAE Zionist Coalition Carries out Airstrikes on Sanaa

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

This new wave of attacks come amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and a general call from the United Nations to a ceasefire across all global conflicts. 

The Saudi Zio-Wahhabi coalition fighting in Yemen carried out Monday around 19 air raids on the capital Sanaa, according to Al Masirah TV.

The Houthi-run Tv station reported that a man was killed and two others injured in the first such attacks on the city in months. 

A number of sensitive sites including the presidential palace compound, a school and an airbase close to Sanaa airport were hit, and loud explosions were heard across the city, residents said.

The Houthi attack coincided with the fifth anniversary of Saudi Zio-Wahhabi war in Yemen.

This new wave of attacks come amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and a general call from the United Nations to a ceasefire across all global conflicts. 

On Sunday, U.N. Yemen Envoy Martin Griffiths reiterated a call for an immediate cessation of hostilities to build momentum for a nationwide ceasefire.

“Yemen needs its leaders to focus every minute of their time on averting and mitigating the potentially disastrous consequences of a COVID-19 outbreak,” Griffiths said in a statement overnight.

As of Monday, the Arab-nation has not reported any cases according to the World Health Organization. 

The seemingly endless Yemeni war started on March 26, 2015, when Saudi Zio-Wahhabi regime and the Zionist puppet regime of UA led a coalition in a military campaign against the Houthis, to restore the Saudi-backed regime of ousted C.I.A puppet Abd-Rabu Mansour Hadi. 

The conflict has killed more than 100,000 people, as well as an estimated 85,000 people who died as a result of famine. The UN said the country is facing the worst humanitarian crisis in the world.

Posted in Middle East, USA, ZIO-NAZI, C.I.A, Saudi Arabia, Yemen0 Comments

Why Zionism is racism

BY: Asa Winstanley 

“Zionism is the belief that Palestinians can and must be expelled from their homeland so that settlers can take their place.”

In this short video, my colleague Ali Abunimah explains the true meaning of Zionism in a nutshell.

As the United Nations General Assembly determined by a large majority in 1975, “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.”

Although that resolution was repealed after the collapse of the Soviet Union, due in part to US and Israeli pressure, it is as true today as ever.

As Ali explains, in recent years, Zionist organizations have attempted to muddy the waters using a debased form of identity politics.

As I have reported for the last several years, this has been particularly successful on the left in the UK, with lifelong anti-racists like Jeremy Corbyn smeared as anti-Semitic due to their Palestine solidarity activism and their leftism.

“You made me feel unsafe”

As Ali explains, they have been trying to “convert Zionism into some sort of personal identity thing. So that if you say I’m a Zionist, and then I say to you, well Zionism is racism, it’s like: Oh my God, you attacked me, you hurt my feelings, you made me feel unsafe.”

I found this observation particularly astute after the Israel lobby’s campaign against the Labour Party from within over the last few years.

Even a minority on the Labour left – such as Momentum founder Jon Lansman – argue that Zionism should have immunity from criticism.

The video clip is from last week’s online discussion panel, “From Corbyn to Sanders: Are Zionist Organizations Targeting Progressive Politicians?” It was hosted by anti-Zionist Israeli campaigner and author Miko Peled.

Also participating in the discussion were US author and radio host Dr. Wilmer Leon and former Labour MP Chris Williamson – who was himself smeared and ultimately forced out of the party.

You can watch the entire panel in the video below.

I spoke on the panel for part two of the discussion on Wednesday night. You can watch the video of this second panel on Miko Peled’s YouTube channel now.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI0 Comments

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