Tag Archive | "Zimbabwe"

Military is complicit in Mugabe misrule

Statement of the Global Pan African Movement on the intervention in Zimbabwe

The Global Pan African Movement condemns the military intervention in Zimbabwe in no uncertain terms. The generals of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces have been part of the repressive government. The huge problems of Zimbabwe cannot be resolved by the same soldiers who have been partners with Mugabe in the past 37 years.

On November 14, the military of Zimbabwe seized the radio and television operations of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, ZBC. By the morning of November 15 the world woke up to the news that the top officers of the Zimbabwe Defense Forces (ZDF) had intervened to place Mr. Robert Mugabe in custody. In the typical fashion of a coup d’etat, a military officer read a statement in the middle of the night  that the intervention was not a coup d’ etat but meant to protect President Mugabe. The army spokesperson Major General Sibusiso Busi Moyo claimed that the military were “only targeting criminals around him who are committing crimes that are causing social and economic suffering in the country.”

“To both our people and the world beyond our borders, we wish to make it abundantly clear that this is not a military takeover of government. What the Zimbabwe Defence Forces is doing is to pacify a degenerating political, social and economic situation in our country which, if not addressed, may result in violent conflict,” Maj-Gen Moyo said.

By the end of the day it was clear that some of the former ministers were arrested, Robert Mugabe was under arrest and his wife Grace Mugabe was supposed to have fled to Namibia. Grace Mugabe had become notorious for her profligate spending in the malls of global capital and she was appropriately called “Gucci Grace”.

The Global Pan African Movement condemns the military intervention in Zimbabwe in no uncertain terms. The generals of the ZDF have been part of the repressive government and the social problems of Zimbabwe cannot be resolved by the same soldiers who were partners with Mugabe in the past 37 years. This ‘realignment’ in the politics among the security and military intervention comes after 20 years of struggles by the working peoples to get a better quality of life. Organizing themselves in trade unions, neighborhood organizations, village assemblies, progressive teachers and other forms of self-defense, the working peoples have been battling for survival for years. These peoples had supported opposition formations, only to have the electoral process enveloped in violence, intimidation and the killing of opposition supporters. Vote rigging had been in the hands of the military and the intelligence organization called the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO).

The most blatant case of election theft was in 2008 when the opposition won the elections in the first round of the presidential elections. Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round but had to drop out of the second due to massive violence against his supporters. Tsvangirai escaped two car accidents. The leaders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) had sanctioned electoral theft and brutality because they had succumbed to the rhetoric of Robert Mugabe that the opposition were stooges of Anglo-American imperialism. In 2013 the Mugabe government again won the elections after there had been manipulations by the SADC leaders to deceive the opposition that they should wait for reforms of the electoral system.

The language on anti-imperialism had been effective when Robert Mugabe and the party of liberation, ZANU-PF, were part of a genuine liberation process in the fight against the illegal minority white racist regime of Ian Smith. However, by 1997 when the military and security bureaucrats started to enrich itself at the expense of the people, the gap between rich and poor began to widen. There were strikes and demonstrations by the oppressed, especially war veterans. It was after these manifestations of opposition that the Mugabe government seized the land of the white commercial farmers. In the process of distributing the land, the generals and security officials were the principal beneficiaries. These recipients of the land had little or no experience in agriculture and exploited the poor farm workers in the same way as the former white commercial farmers. By every index of social and economic activity, the conditions of the majority of the people have deteriorated dramatically. There is over 95 per cent unemployment in Zimbabwe and over 5 million Zimbabweans have fled the country.

The government of Robert Mugabe acknowledged the severe economic conditions in the country but blamed the situation on western sanctions against Zimbabwe, despite exposing the truth of how his cronies siphoned over $15 billion from the mining of diamonds. Outside of Zimbabwe, the pro government intellectuals had mobilized support across Africa for Robert Mugabe on the grounds that British imperialism was planning military intervention in Zimbabwe. This support of pro-government intellectuals was meant to disarm those who opposed the exploitation that was intensifying in Zimbabwe by one of the most homophobic and sexist governments in Africa.

The government of Mugabe mounted a major international campaign to represent the ruling party ZANU-PF as being at the forefront of the progressive Pan African movement. Even within the progressive anti-imperialists there was the view that Mugabe’s government was being sanctioned because of the seizure of land. The discussions about imperialist sanctions could not explain why in the midst of the crisis, the government of Robert Mugabe chose the US currency as the currency of Zimbabwe. This was the highest form of subservience to US imperialism but those who were looting the country found it easier to use the currency of empire while the people were issued with useless bonds notes. The successes of the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was another indication of the amount of wealth that was circulating among the generals and political operatives.

This situation of former freedom fighters becoming erstwhile capitalists and repressive is not unique to Zimbabwe. All across the continent of Africa, from Algeria to Mozambique and from Eritrea to South Africa, the leaders of liberation movements lost legitimacy as they gave up the search for the solutions to the problems of hunger, unemployment, poor health and grinding exploitation. The late Tajudeen Abdul Raheem noted that the longer the liberation leaders remained in power the more they became oppressors. This was the case with Mugabe. After being in power over 37 years the leaders believed that they could take other people’s life with impunity.

The working peoples had been repressed by the same military that is now claiming to come to the rescue of ordinary people. The top generals who orchestrated the intervention are the same enforcers who had looted the Democratic Republic of the Congo along with the family of Kabila. It was the same military brass who oversaw Operation Murambatsvina (Shona for Operation Drive Out Trash), also referred to as Operation Restore Order, began as a crackdown against illegal trading and illegal housing in May 2005. This operation left hundreds of thousands of urban dwellers homeless in the middle of the cold Zimbabwean winter. Later when diamonds were found in Eastern Zimbabwe, the same generals were the beneficiaries of the mining of diamonds.

In 2016 President Mugabe complained the country had lost $15 billion dollars that should have gone to the treasury. Opposition parties and student unions retorted that it was incredulous that President Robert Mugabe was unaware that the nation was losing billions of dollars worth of diamonds through looting. The opposition said that if $15 billion worth of diamonds was pillaged under Mugabe’s watch, then he should be impeached for failing to do his job.

Where there is fabulous plunder as was going on in Zimbabwe there was bound to be competition between branches of the Zimbabwean capitalist class. This competition took the form of a power struggle within the ruling ZANU-PF political party. One group around the wife of Robert Mugabe called the G40 had been gaining the upper hand against the faction of the repressors led by General Chiwenga and Emmerson Mnangagwa.  Since independence in 1980 one of the ways of dealing with rivals was through car accidents or other forms of political assassination. Generals of the Zimbabwe military from the time of Josiah Tongagara to General Mujuru understood the experiences of political assassination. Thus when the former Vice President of Zimbabwe Emmerson Mnangagwa was fired in the week of November 4 2017 he quickly fled the country. He was very aware of the multiple unexplained deaths of prominent Zimbabweans.

Former Vice President Mnangagwa had been associated with all phases of repression since Operation Gukurahundi soon after independence. This paramilitary operation that killed over 20,000 in Matabeleland.  There is still a need for the truth about this mass killing. In the past year Mnangagwa has been locked in a life and death struggle with those elements who had surrounded Grace Mugabe. Grace Mugabe had aligned herself with a group that was associated with Dr. Jonathan Moyo. Over twelve years ago, it was the same Jonathan Moyo who had termed ZANU-PF a shelf party. Moyo, who initiated many of the repressive laws in the period of the land invasions, 2000 to 2003, had this to say of the leader of the ‘shelf party’: “Mugabe has publicly demonstrated his leadership incapacity to make way for an able and dynamic successor by succumbing to manipulative tribal pressure from a clique in his party”

It was this same Moyo who was now aligned against his former sponsor Emerson Mnangagwa. When Mnangagwa was fired in early November, all he and his allies in the military could think of was the fire that consumed General Mujuru.

In order to save themselves from the legacy of political assassinations, the generals intervened and placed Robert Mugabe under house arrest.

The Global Pan African Movement is of the view that the SADC Organ on Peace and Security must demobilize the military in Zimbabwe and establish a transitional arrangement so that all the other political forces in Zimbabwe can participate in the political process without fear of intimidation. A group of nonpartisan Zimbabweans have proposed a National Transitional Authority to take over the running of the country until “fair” elections can be held.

The African Union has stated clearly that it does not condone military interventions. Though the military has claimed that this was not a coup, it is clearly a coup. The peoples of Zimbabwe need the space for reconstruction and for the stolen wealth to be returned to the country. When the military took over they resorted to playing the songs of revolution on the radio. These songs from an era of struggle are now being mobilized to justify militarism.

On Monday, November 13 when General Chiwenga made a statement to the nation he stated that “drastic action would be taken immediately to stop counter-revolutionaries from sliding Zimbabwe back into colonisation.” This is simply manipulation of the anti-colonial sentiments of progressive Pan Africanists everywhere and decent citizens must join in the call for a genuine process of political change in Zimbabwe. The African Union has the responsibility to ensure that generals do not continue the repression in Zimbabwe. Emmerson Mnangagwa must not be allowed to continue the looting and plunder of the society in collaboration with the generals. Progressive Pan Africanists need to study the lessons of the manipulation of the ideals of Pan Africanism in this moment when there is a major push for the emancipation of Africa.

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Opportunity for a new political culture in Zimbabwe

Daily Maverick

The political crisis offers citizens an opportunity to examine the path Zimbabwe has traveled since independence. Zimbabwe needs to build a new democracy. Citizens must ask themselves whether they want to join the rat race towards self-enrichment of a few or work towards solutions that benefit all. That requires a new leadership that is totally accountable and dedicated to the people.

The events of the past 48 hours have been more than dramatic and have kept most of us on edge. Now that we are no longer speculating and a clearer picture has emerged, we need to start thinking about what brought us here, and more importantly, where we are going from here as a nation.

Given where we have been, perhaps this moment was inevitable and even necessary. However, a military intervention sets a dangerous precedent. If the current players in power do not manage the events carefully, we could end up in similar circumstances that led us where we are in the first place. The military cannot be the solution. The way forward is that the military should act purely for the good of the nation, with clear benevolent and non-partisan intentions. We need a transitional phase, where electoral reforms can be put in place and the field opened up for free and fair elections, within a stipulated period. I would even suggest an all stakeholder Indaba/Dare to be held as part of the transitory route towards elections.

We should also think in terms of a new dawn, a new political reset. We should think of the possibility of detaching from the continuation of the old, which has led us here, and to think everything afresh.

We cannot build a new democracy when we have internalized the same value systems that define the majority of the Zimbabwean elite in our communities today. You cannot transform to a new democracy when the change drivers remain greedy, continue to make vulgar consumerism a trademark of the culture, adopt lifestyles and value systems that distance them from their own people and make them lose touch with the real needs of the people. For the most part, the actions of the emerging and current ruling elite represent only their own narrow personal and class interests.

A society of mass poverty, on the one hand, and massive wealth in the hands of a few, on the other, cannot develop the necessary conditions for the creation of the national wealth to its fullest potential, nor can it be democratic.

Yet, it is in this very same depressed economy where the norm has been that the affluent flaunt their wealth and exhibit conspicuous consumption. It’s now clear that the stories we have heard of obscene greed and crude individualism are just the tip of the iceberg in an opaque and toxic environment where collective consciousness and social commitment have steadily been disappearing and in its stead replaced by a rapid decline in the moral and political values of those who lead or claim to lead.

It seems stealing has now taken a cultural proportion, and undoing it requires a total overhaul of supervision and other management structures – guided by a wholesome new thinking and a worldview that looks at the circumstances one is surrounded by and consciously deciding on an Ubuntu/Hunhu based response. Impunity, unaccountability and total disregard for standard procedures have become the norm for many entities (and other structures of government), and there is no doubt the rot has been injected from the top.

The pioneers and prime movers of this toxicity — lifestyle and value system — are found within the political class that was created by ZANU-PF, which is why it is difficult to solve, and has spread throughout the country. This is also why, even within the political opposition (and some civic organizations), this cancer stands out and now defines who we are as Zimbabweans today. What we have here has long since gone past partisan politicking and finger pointing. The point is to hold the whole nation to account and to alert people that this is a time that requires individual changes in approach towards life if we are going to come up with lasting national solutions to the problems that confront us.

The saying, that we cannot change our problems by the same thinking we used when creating them applies here.

There is no literal English translation of Hunhu/Ubuntu, but it is associated with a concept of humanity that entails qualities of human empathy and a willingness to share and forgive. These concepts would require our political leadership to break with the ideals of individualism, greed, and the private ownership of wealth that is less inclusive and ignores the condition of other human beings.

People are justified to ask how a total overhaul can be done when the political pillars that created and nurture this culture are still intact. To define change in this rot means you have to stick out and be fearless, to be a constant pain in the behind of the system, and to let everyone know that it is not going to be business as usual.

When we engage and condone acts of corruption, we help to seal our own fate and the fate of our children to lives of poverty and misery. This is because proper business enterprises cannot flourish in an atmosphere dominated by corruption. Without proper business activity, economies cannot grow. So ultimately, the problem of corruption becomes both personal and political; the temptation for private, immediate gain becomes a public and chronic nuisance, which also harms the perpetrator in ways one cannot immediately see or understand. No nation can hope to progress until it rewards and encourages those who have properly earned wealth (allowing them to keep it) not by virtue of position of power, but by virtue of the honesty and efforts by which that wealth was created.

Walter Rodney characterized the politics of the African petty bourgeoisie in Africa and the Caribbean as the politics of retrogression. The politics of retrogression comprises many features: the concentration of power in the hands of the petty bourgeoisie; the destruction of popular participation and expression; the manipulation of race, ethnicity, religious differences and other divisions among the people; the institutionalization of corruption; the vulgarization of the ‘national culture’ as an element of class rule; and the deliberate distortion of revolutionary concepts.

The political groupings that house our politicians are the fertile grounds for an ideological framework that allows the old politics of retrogression. There has to be movement towards institutionalizing a new political culture that will eventually shift power from the current corrupt and unrepresentative political groupings, to local communities whose chosen representatives will primarily be accountable to the interests of local communities and not to those of a small center that monopolizes power in the national political groupings.
This monopoly of political power and control by a small center has made it difficult to cultivate leadership based on local politics (as in communities people live in). People should create leadership résumés with traceable footsteps going back to where they came from. The norm, rather than the exception, should be that by the time someone gets to the national arena, they have clear leadership footsteps showing, among other things, their ability to lead, their moral caliber, and their ability to articulate and solve issues. We need to think afresh and develop new forms of self-organization.

One can argue with some level of accuracy that the whole gamut of political riff-raff that is in the arena today is not interested in transforming that environment, but in maximizing its domination and establishing a single authority as a vehicle to control the environment towards desired ends. The toxicity of a 37-year entrenched mindset that ZANU-PF created has to be transformed. One cannot pretend to work within it without replicating the same behaviors.  We need to hear more discourse articulating alternative scenarios!

Among its many elements, the toxic environment creates a mindset that sees individuals as invincible. It has created a political system where, among other bad habits, a few power players can choose representatives on behalf of constituencies, where the Executive, created by this corrupt party system, has demi-god status with the power to seat and unseat any institution in the country, from parliament to the land’s highest courts. This is what we have right now and it is not changed by circulating people who were mothered by the same umbilical cord and were raised from it, but by cutting off the cord and intentionally creating conditions for nurturing a new thought process.

The struggle should be looked at as stages where different generations have to identify issues of their time and make the decision to carry the struggle to the next stage.

In our case, the nationalist phase of the struggle is clearly coming to its conclusion – another generation should grab the torch to make its own decisions and to take its own route. The struggle is not necessarily a continuous/linear route joined together by an unbroken chain of events. It might start one way and end up completely different – diluted and corrupted. On the other hand, most of us have very short term expectations and vision. We expect instant results and gratification. We fail to visualize beyond what is in the immediate vicinity. In our quest for instant victory, we fail to see the larger goal, to realize that struggles can be in stages, each setting a block to build a foundation that the next struggle (or generation) can step on and lay another brick following the tradition of the struggle – in our case, the Chimurenga tradition.

What is important for each generation is to have guiding pillars of what constitutes the struggle. Some have alluded to “total emancipation” of the people as one such guiding pillar that each generation could use to measure stages of the struggle. Distribution of national resources could be another, and so on and so forth. If these pillars of the struggle are well defined in a manner that provides each generation with basic guidelines, it makes it easier to not only identify the “bootlickers and running dogs” but also, as Marley told us at the start of our independence, to see “who [are] the real revolutionaries” working towards defined goals to change the condition of the people.

Laying solid bricks to build these foundations – even one at a time – would be a check on the individualism and greed, which is fueling the politics of retrogression; on low self-esteem, which makes people vulnerable to vices like bribery; and on ignorance, which can make a neighbor to slaughter another at the command of corrupt politicians. This is the kind of self-hatred that brings disregard to other humans who look like us.

We are at the crossroads and as individuals we have to ask ourselves whether we want to join the rat race towards the self-enrichment of a select few by any means possible – including prostituting our souls – or work towards solutions that will intervene on behalf of the whole.

The question for this generation of Zimbabweans is why are we waiting for leadership to reemerge from the same generation of people who we criticize as having failed us? There was a time in the lives of these leaders when the conditions of their times called upon them to lead. They took the challenge against incredible odds and created conditions that brought about African nation statehood. Where is the new generation of visionaries to give Zimbabwe another era of people-centered movements to usher in economic independence? If we are not prepared to take leadership roles and make our own mistakes as we try; we will continue to be an invisible generation immobile to the demands of our times.

Where are the new cadres of visionaries in economic liberation? What are the important issues of our generation? What is the prize on which our eyes should keep focused?  These are the issues African movements in opposition to the existing establishments must preach about verbally and practice in deed.

These roles are not delivered on a silver plater.

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Zimbabwe: President Robert Mugabe told to resign from office in 24 hours after being stripped of party leadership


The ruling ZANU-PF party stripped Mugabe of his party powers while issuing him an ultimatum to vacate the office of President within 24 hours.

Embattled Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has been formally removed from his leadership of the ZANU-PF party which before its merger with rival Zimbabwe African People’s Union in 1987, he helped to lead during the period of UDI Rhodesia, as the Zimbabwe African National Union. Later, he was told by ZANU-PF that if he did not relinquish the Presidency in 24 hours, his safety could not be guaranteed.

This represents a seismic blow to  Mugabe whose leadership of ZANU-PF was seen as all but permanent in the eyes of many Zimbabweans and international observers. Additionally, Mugabe’s wife Grace has been expelled from the party, thus officially affirming that she will likely not ever become the President of the country, even though the 93 year old Mugabe had effectively chosen her as his hand picked successor. It has been reported that Grace Mugabe fled Zimbabwe days ago.

ZANU-PF moved quickly to instate Emmerson Mnangagwa as the party’s new leader, while also putting him back into office as Zimbabwe’s Vice President, thus reversing his earlier firing at the hands of Robert Mugabe. Should Mugabe step down or be forced out of power, Mnangagwa would almost certainly assume the Presidency.

Last week, when units of the Zimbabwean Army flooded the street of the capital Harare, an announcement was made by General Constantino Chiwenga that the leaders of the events many called a “coup”, sought not to remove Mugabe nor to harm him. He further stated that their intention was to merely “remove criminals” surrounding Mugabe.

Subsequent statements from the Army, along with photos of a healthy looking Mugabe negotiating with Army leaders at his home, give the appearance that intense negotiations were taking place.

At the time, it could be reasonably assumed that the Army leaders sought the reinstating of Emmerson Mnangagwa as Vice President and a commitment from President Mugabe to remove Grace Mugabe from her de-facto position as heir apparent to Mugabe.

Today’s events however signify a change in strategy. There are only three logical explanations for this.

1. It was always the intention of the Army to truly shake Mugabe’s once unassailable position, but early statements refrained from making this clear in order not to arouse opposition.

2. The Army entered into negotiations with Mugabe in good faith, but Mugabe’s intransigence led the Army to seeing no other option other than to begin stripping him of his power.

3. A combination of scenarios one and two, wherein the elites of ZANU-PF actually took a more hard-line against Mugabe than many in the Army, thus leading to a stand-off rather than a compromise situation.

For the moment, Mugabe remains the legal President of Zimbabwe, but this could change within hours.

At this point, it becomes necessary to restate that although many media outlets are broadcasting  anti-Mugabe protests, Mugabe still retains wide amounts of often militant support from his ethnic base and his ideological base. Furthermore, many influential South African politicians remain staunchly in favour of Mugabe.

Unless Mugabe voluntarily agrees to the demands of ZANU-PF, further chaos could break out between Mugabe supporters and members of the ZANU-PF seeking his ouster.

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Zimbabwe: Domestic Rivalries, US-China Competition Underlie Political Crisis


An election poster from the 2008 Zanu Pf election campaign on the wall of a dilapidated old building in the Mbara suburb of Harare, Friday Nov. 17, 2017. Zimbabwe's military says it is making "significant progress" in talks with President Robert Mugabe for his departure while it pursues and arrests some allies of the leader and his wife. (AP Photo)

The political turmoil in Zimbabwe is a product of both domestic factional rivalries and broader international political intrigue. Don’t let the corporate media impose its usual superficial narrative on the events in Zimbabwe; as with all things Africa, there’s so much more than meets the eye.

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Civil society organizations ask Mugabe to step down

Zimbabwe CSOs joint statement on the military take over

More than a hundred civil society organizations have urged Robert Mugabe to resign as president of Zimbabwe following military intervention in the country’s politics. The organizations have also asked the military to ensure restoration of the constitutional order and an inclusive process to resolve Zimbabwe’s political and socio-economic problems.

We the undersigned civil society organisations guided by the Constitution express our concern over the political developments in Zimbabwe, today Wednesday 15 November 2017. We call for the peaceful and constitutional resolution of the situation and the immediate return of Constitutional order and democracy in Zimbabwe. As civil society we reiterate our position that the political transition in Zimbabwe must be guided by the Constitution and should adhere to all full tenets of democracy enshrined in it that include a multi-party democratic political system. We condemn any actions, attempts and interests to attain state power outside constitutional provisions. We believe that the solution to Zimbabwe’s socio economic and political problems should be a product of an inclusive all stakeholder process.

a. In the interest of peace, stability and progress in Zimbabwe, we urge President Mugabe to voluntarily step down and pave way for an all-inclusive all stakeholder process which will determine the future of Zimbabwe.

b. We implore and would want to remind the Zimbabwe Defense Forces that they have an obligation and duty to uphold, defend and respect the Constitution. We expect and demand that that they fulfil their obligation by issuing a clear and quickly implementable roadmap to restoring constitutional order in Zimbabwe.

c. In pursuit of our rights and obligations to the Constitution as citizens we urge the people of Zimbabwe to remain peaceful and freely contribute to their preferred way forward and solution to the current crisis.

d. We call on SADC to be the arbiter and allow an inclusive dialogue with political parties, civil society, church, labour, students and other critical stakeholders. We implore SADC to take a leaf from the active and constructive role ECOWAS has played in its sub-region in countries such as in Mali, Burkina and The Gambia in demanding and pressuring authorities to swiftly restore constitutional orders and protect citizens rights

e. We call on Parliament of Zimbabwe to uphold and fulfil their constitutional obligations by:
    i. Creating conditions for the swift realignment of key laws to the constitution including the Electoral Act paving way for the conduct of credible free and fair election in 2018;
    ii. Repealing legislations that dilute progressive provisions of the constitutions such as the Cyber-Security Act,
    iii. Immediately discard Constitutional Amendment Bill No.1 of 2017 to safeguard the independence of the judiciary;
    iv. Restoring citizens freedoms of assembly and speech by amending restrictive laws such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA)
    v. Liberalize the media space;
    vi. Ensuring civil servants neutrality in the political processes in line with Constitution

We reiterate our position that events in Zimbabwe pose serious security challenges for ordinary citizens and the global democratic order and restate our commitment to defend the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe’s political transition must be guided by the Constitution and a firm commitment made to uphold the Rule of Law.


1. Achieve Your Goal Trust (AYGT)

2. African Self-help Assistance Programme (ASAP)

3. Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union Zimbabwe (ARTUZ)

4. Artists for Democracy Trust (ADZT)

5. Build a Better Youth Zimbabwe (BABY Zim)

6. Bulawayo Progressive Residents Association (BPRA)

7. Bulawayo Vendors Traders Association (BVTA)

8. Bulawayo Youth Arise (BUYA)

9. Centre for Community Development Zimbabwe (CCDZ)

10. Centre for Natural Resources Governance (CNRG)

11. Centre for Youth Development Trust (CYDT)

12. Chinhoyi Residents Trust

13. Chitungwiza Centre for Community Development (CCDN)

14. Chitungwiza and Manyame Rural Residents Association (CAMERA)

15. Chitungwiza Residents Trust (CHITREST)

16. Christian Legal Aid Society

17. Christian Voice International Zimbabwe (CVIZ)

18. Civic Education Network (CIVNET)

19. Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA)

20. Community Working Group on Health (CWGH)

21. Community Water Alliance (CWA)

22. Counselling Services Unit (CSU)

23. Disability Amalgamation Community Trust (DACT)

24. Doors of Hope

25. Ecumenical Support Services (ESS)

26. Election Resource Centre (ERC)

27. Federation of African Women Media in Zim (FAWMZ)

28. Female Students Network (FSN)

29. Gays and Lesbians Association in Zimbabwe (GALZ)

30. General and Plantation Workers Union in Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ)

31. Godlwayo Community Development Trust

32. Gwanda Residents Association

33. Gweru East Residents Association

34. Habakkuk Trust

35. Heal Zimbabwe Trust

36. International Revolutionary League (RILFI)

37. Institute of Young Women and Development (IYWD)

38. Japa Edutaiment Trust

39. Katswe Sistahood

40. Legal Resources Foundation (LRF)

41. Masvingo Human Rights Trust

42. Masvingo Research Institute (MRI)

43. Masvingo Residents Trust (MRT)

44. Masvingo United Residents and Ratepayers Association (MURRA)

45. Media Institute for Southern Africa (MISA)

46. Media Monitoring Project in Zimbabwe (MMPZ)

47. Mission to Live Trust

48. Mutasa Youth Forum Trust


50. National Movement of Catholic Student (NMCS)

51. National Vendors Union of Zimbabwe (NAVUZ)

52. National Youth Development Trust

53. News of the South

54. Nhimbe Trust

55. Non-Violent Actions for Social Change (NOVASC)

56. Padare

57. Platform for Youth Development (PYD)

58. Plumtree Development Trust (PDT)

59. Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe

60. Radio Dialogue

61. Reconciliation Trust

62. Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR)

63. Savannah Trust

64. Shalom Trust

65. #SheVotes

66. Student Christian Movement in Zimbabwe

67. Students and Youth Working on Reproductive Health Rights (Saywhat)

68. Students Solidarity Trust (SST)

69. #Tajamuka

70. Transparency International Zimbabwe (TIZ)

71. Uhuru Network

72. United Mutare Residents and Ratepayers Trust (UMRRT)

73. Veritas

74. Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (VISET)

75. Victory Siyanqoba Trust

76. Wedza Community Development Trust (WERDIT)

77. Women in Leadership and Development (WILD)

78. Women in Politics Support Unit (WIPSU)

79. Women in Politics Support Unit (WIPSU)

80. Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)

81. Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ)

82. Women’s Trust

83. Young Voices Network (YVN)

84. Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT)

85. Youth Agenda Trust (YAT)

86. Youth Agrarian Society (YAS)

87. Youth Alliance for Democracy (YAD)

88. Youth Dialogue Action Network

89. Youth Dialogue Network (YODAN)

90. Youth Environmental Management and Protection Trust (YEMAP)

91. Youth Forum Zimbabwe

92. Zimbabwe Christian Alliance (ZCA)

93. Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC)

94. Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET)

95. Zimbabwe Coalition of Debt Development (ZIMCODD)

96. Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)

97. Zimbabwe Democracy Institute (ZDI)

98. Zimbabwe Doctors’ for Human Rights (ZADHR)

99. Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN)

100. Zimbabwe Farmers Union Development Trust

101. Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZIMRIGHTS)

102. Zimbabwe Institute (ZI)

103. Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)

104. Zimbabwe Liberators Platform (ZLP)

105. Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU)

106. Zimbabwe NGO Human Rights Forum

107. Zimbabwe Organisation of Youth in Politics (ZOYP)

108. Zimbabwe Pastors Forum (ZPF)

109. Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP)

110. Zimbabwe Poets for Human Rights (ZPHR)

111. Zimbabwe United Residents Association (ZURA)

112. Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA)

113. Zimbabwe Women Resource Centre & Network (ZWRCN)

114. Zimbabwe Young Women’s Network for Peacebuilding (ZYWNP)

115. Zimbabwe Youth Movement (ZYM)

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Britain urges no violence in Zimbabwe


Image result for mugabe cartoons

Britain on Wednesday expressed cautious optimism after the military took control of Zimbabwe, but warned against any transition “from one unelected tyrant to the next”.

“The situation is still fluid, and we would urge restraint on all sides because we want to see and we would call for an avoidance of violence,” Prime Minister Theresa May told MPs.

Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson urged caution in predicting the future of President Robert Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since its independence from Britain in 1980.

“Hopes have been disappointed so many times. But there is hope, there is a real chance now that things will change in Zimbabwe,” he said.

“But it’s by no means a foregone conclusion. Everybody will have to work hard together to achieve that.

“Nobody wants simply to see the transition from one unelected tyrant to the next.

“We want to see proper free and fair elections next year and that’s what we will be working towards.”

May said her primary concern was for the safety of about 20,000 British nationals who live in Zimbabwe.

The government changed its travel advice on Wednesday, urging Britons in Harare “to remain safely at home or in their accommodation until the situation becomes clearer”.

Zimbabwe’s military is in control of the country and Mugabe, in a conversation reported by South African President Jacob Zuma, has said he is under house arrest.

But generals have denied staging a coup.

Johnson said he would be talking to the deputy president of South Africa later Wednesday about the response of the international community.

He said he is also going to a European Union and African Union summit later this month, where Zimbabwe was now likely to be a priority.

“All Britain has ever wanted for Zimbabweans is to be able to decide their own future in free and fair elections,” he said.

“Mugabe’s consuming ambition was always to deny them this right.

“Britain has always wanted the Zimbabwean people to be masters of their fate and for any political change to be peaceful, lawful and constitutional.”

Mugabe was once heralded as a liberator who rid the former British colony Rhodesia of white minority rule, but was soon cast in the role of a despot who crushed political dissent and ruined the economy.

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