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Zionist Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

“A haunting reminder to all mankind of man’s inexplicable cruelty towards his fellow man.” ~King Hussein of Jordan

More than any other Arab state, Jordan’s past, present and future are inextricably linked to the question of Palestine. Jordan’s emergence is an outcome of British imperialism, which imposed the infamous Balfour Declaration and the Zionist settler-colonial project on the indigenous population of Palestine and the region. 

“ORIGIN OF TWO COUNTRIES They say Churchill said: “Jordan was an idea I had one spring at about four-thirty in the afternoon.”

The fact is that during the month of March 1921, in just three days, British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill and his forty advisers drew a new map for the Middle East.

They invented two countries, named them, appointed their monarchs, and sketched their borders with a finger in the sand.

Thus the land embraced by the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, the clay of the very first books, was called Iraq.

And the new country amputated from Palestine was called Transjordan, later Jordan.

The task at hand was to change the names of colonies so they would at least appear to be Arab kingdoms.

And to divide those colonies, to break them up: an urgent lesson drawn from imperial memory.

While France pulled Lebanon out of a hat, Churchill bestowed the crown of Iraq on the errant Prince Faisal, and a plebiscite ratified him with suspicious enthusiasm: he got 96 percent of the vote.

His brother Prince Abdullah became king of Jordan.

Both monarchs belonged to a family placed on the British payroll at the recommendation of Lawrence of Arabia.

The manufacturers of countries signed the birth certificates of Iraq and Jordan in Cairo’s Semiramis Hotel, and then went out to see the pyramids.

Settler-colonialism is the essence of the question of Palestine. All else is derivative.

Jordan emerged out of this historical reality, and therefore, its present and future will always be subject to it.

The founder of present-day Jordan, Emir Abdullah bin Al-Hussein, successfully carved a new sovereign space in Transjordan.

But this was only possible because of his cooperation with British imperialism and “collusion” with Zionist settler-colonialism.

This tacit relationship resulted in mutual restraint between Jordan and Israel, even during their direct military confrontations.

National security interest

In 1994, Jordan and Israel signed the Wadi Araba peace treaty, turning their tacit understandings and secretive relationship into an official peace between the two countries – even if an unpopular one.

This peace treaty would have been inconceivable without the 1993 Oslo Accord and the implied promise of Israel’s withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, which were occupied in 1967 from Jordan and Egypt respectively, to establish an independent Palestinian state.

Land repatriation and Palestinian statehood hold a high national security interest for Jordan.

Only the achievement of these two conditions can halt the border elasticity of the Israeli state and its expansion eastwards, which poses grave geographic and demographic threats to the Hashemite kingdom.

Besides the strategic significance, a Palestinian state would allow a substantial number of Palestinian refugees displaced in 1967 to return to the West Bank, in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 237.

Yet, not only have neither of the two conditions been realized, but regional and international political dynamics have changed since 1994.

 In Israel, the political landscape has dramatically shifted to the far right, fueling the settler-colonial practice of creating “facts on the ground” that make the prospect of Palestinian statehood and self-determination via the “peace process” a remote fantasy.

The political and material developments on the ground are complemented by complex regional and international dynamics. In particular, the Trump administration has taken a new approach towards most international conflicts, especially in the Middle East.

The Trump-Netanyahu plan (aka “the deal of century”) for Israel-Palestine promotes Israeli colonization/annexation of the West Bank and sovereignty over the entirety of historic Palestine, as well as the Syrian Golan Heights.

Shifting geopolitics

Even worse for Jordanians and Palestinians, this plan enjoys the support of influential Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which have stepped up their political rapprochement and normalization with Israel.How the Israel-UAE Deal Could Leave Jordan Out in the Cold

The EU, a staunch supporter and sponsor of the so-called peace process and two-state solution, failed not only to reach a common position on the US plan, but also to condemn Israel’s plans to officially annex any part of the West Bank.

Amid the changing international and regional politics, Jordan’s alliance with the US and EU has been a letdown. Jordan has become a victim of its own foreign and security policy, which has grown interlinked with the US and, more recently, the EU.

While half of this alliance, the US, is promoting Israel’s annexation and sovereignty over Palestine, the other half, the EU, is unwilling to act decisively.

The annexation is planned to take place while the entire world, including Jordanians and Palestinians, and the media are exhausted by the coronavirus pandemic.

It provides the needed distraction for Israel to complete the annexation quietly, without effective local and international scrutiny and resistance.

Covid-19 has further entrenched the nationalist-driven trend in the Middle East. Even before the outbreak, the Arab world was consumed by domestic concerns, showing few qualms about the Trump-Netanyahu plan or recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over Jerusalem and the Golan Heights.

Israeli expansionism

The feeble Arab (including Palestinian and Jordanian) and international response to the US recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and the relocation of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, has encouraged Israel and the US to press ahead and turn Israel’s de facto sovereignty over all of Palestine into de jure.

While this is all illegal under international law, it is a mistake to believe that empirical reality and time will not deflect, strain and fracture international law and legality.

Since 1967, the Israeli strategy has pivoted on two parallel components: empirical colonization on the ground, coupled with the facade of a “peace and negotiations” public relations campaign to obfuscate the settler-colonial structure and market it to the international community, as well as Arab regimes.

With this strategy, Israel has expanded in the region both territorially, by de facto taking over Arab land, and politically, through overt and covert relations with most of the Arab states.

Only formal territorial annexation and gradual de-Palestinisation remains.

The formal annexation of the West Bank, especially the Jordan Valley, officially torpedoes the century-old Jordanian foreign and security strategy of cooperation with its imperial patrons (Britain, then the US) and the Zionist movement, which evolved into a Jordanian-Israeli peace with an expected Palestinian buffer state between the two.

Another ethnic cleansing

It also puts Jordan face-to-face with a new reality with alarming cartographic and demographic consequences.

The chances of another ethnic cleansing become a palpable prospect under the formulae of official annexation and a Jewish statehood in the entirety of Palestine, as articulated in the 2018 nation-state law meant to ensure a Jewish majority.

This is very much tied in with Jordanian fears grounded in previous (1948, 1967) and current experiences of forced migration in the Middle East.

Against this backdrop, another ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, forcing a large number of Palestinians to flee to Jordan, is a real possibility.

The transfer and elimination of Palestinians from Palestine are embedded in the settler-colonial structure of the Israeli state, which looks at Jordan as their alternative homeland.

While another population flow would be catastrophic for Palestinians, it would also adversely affect Jordan’s stability and future.

Beyond annexation, the Hashemite regime is witnessing a contestation of its custodianship of the Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem, which constitute a significant source of legitimacy for the regime.

Even on this matter, the US plan unequivocally appoints Israel as the “custodian of Jerusalem”.

After five decades, Israel’s grip over and presence in the West Bank is ubiquitous and entrenched. Most of the West Bank is empirically annexed and Judaised, especially the Jordan Valley, Greater Jerusalem, parts of Hebron and Gush Etzion. The pretence of the peace process and negotiations has thus become superfluous.

‘Considering all options’ 

Only against this background may one understand the depth of the trepidations that underlie the warning of King Abdullah II that the Israeli annexation will trigger a “massive conflict” with Jordan and that he is “considering all options” in response.

This warning does not reveal a strategy to respond to what constitutes a “direct threat to Jordan’s sovereignty and independence”, as the former foreign minister of Jordan, Marwan Muasher, put it.

It displays, however, the difficult decisions that have to be taken. Indeed, King Hussein was prepared to discontinue the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty had Israel refused to supply the antidote for the poison its agents had used in an attempt to assassinate Khaled Meshaal, the former head of Hamas, in 1997.

It remains to be seen whether the termination or suspension of this treaty and the realignment of alliances are currently options for Jordan.

The Jordanian response to Covid-19 has generated a unique, popular rally around the state – a perfect opportunity to conduct serious reforms to stamp out corruption and involve citizens in the decision-making process, in order to forge a nationally grounded response to Israel’s planned annexation of the West Bank.

Historically, the survival of the Hashemite kingdom has been at stake several times.

But today, Jordan finds itself in an unprecedented political, security, economic and health emergency.

Whatever domestic, economic and foreign-policy decisions – or indecisions – that Jordan takes are likely to leave a long-lasting mark on the future of Jordan and the question of Palestine.

Such existential decisions must be collective, with broader national consensus and real citizen participation.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, JordanComments Off on Zionist Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

Nazi Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

Israel Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

Jordan is being forced to confront a new reality with alarming cartographic and demographic consequences

By Emile Badarin

More than any other Arab state, Jordan’s past, present and future are inextricably linked to the question of Palestine. Jordan’s emergence is an outcome of British imperialism, which imposed the infamous Balfour Declaration and the Zionist settler-colonial project on the indigenous population of Palestine and the region. 

Settler-colonialism is the essence of the question of Palestine. All else is derivative. Jordan emerged out of this historical reality, and therefore, its present and future will always be subject to it.

The founder of present-day Jordan, Emir Abdullah bin Al-Hussein, successfully carved a new sovereign space in Transjordan. But this was only possible because of his cooperation with British imperialism and “collusion” with Zionist settler-colonialism. This tacit relationship resulted in mutual restraint between Jordan and Israel, even during their direct military confrontations.

National security interest

In 1994, Jordan and Israel signed the Wadi Araba peace treaty, turning their tacit understandings and secretive relationship into an official peace between the two countries – even if an unpopular one. This peace treaty would have been inconceivable without the 1993 Oslo Accord and the implied promise of Israel’s withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza, which were occupied in 1967 from Jordan and Egypt respectively, to establish an independent Palestinian state.

Land repatriation and Palestinian statehood hold a high national security interest for Jordan. Only the achievement of these two conditions can halt the border elasticity of the Israeli state and its expansion eastwards, which poses grave geographic and demographic threats to the Hashemite kingdom.

Besides the strategic significance, a Palestinian state would allow a substantial number of Palestinian refugees displaced in 1967 to return to the West Bank, in accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 237.

Yet, not only have neither of the two conditions been realised, but regional and international political dynamics have changed since 1994. In Israel, the political landscape has dramatically shifted to the far right, fuelling the settler-colonial practice of creating “facts on the ground” that make the prospect of Palestinian statehood and self-determination via the “peace process” a remote fantasy.

The political and material developments on the ground are complemented by complex regional and international dynamics. In particular, the Trump administration has taken a new approach towards most international conflicts, especially in the Middle East.

The Trump-Netanyahu plan (aka “the deal of century”) for Israel-Palestine promotes Israeli colonisation/annexation of the West Bank and sovereignty over the entirety of historic Palestine, as well as the Syrian Golan Heights.

Shifting geopolitics

Even worse for Jordanians and Palestinians, this plan enjoys the support of influential Arab states, especially Saudi Arabia and the UAE, which have stepped up their political rapprochement and normalisation with Israel.If Israel Annexes Part of West Bank, Palestine “Will Declare Statehood on 1967 Borders”

The EU, a staunch supporter and sponsor of the so-called peace process and two-state solution, failed not only to reach a common position on the US plan, but also to condemn Israel’s plans to officially annex any part of the West Bank.

Amid the changing international and regional politics, Jordan’s alliance with the US and EU has been a letdown. Jordan has become a victim of its own foreign and security policy, which has grown interlinked with the US and, more recently, the EU.

While half of this alliance, the US, is promoting Israel’s annexation and sovereignty over Palestine, the other half, the EU, is unwilling to act decisively.

The annexation is planned to take place while the entire world, including Jordanians and Palestinians, and the media are exhausted by the coronavirus pandemic. It provides the needed distraction for Israel to complete the annexation quietly, without effective local and international scrutiny and resistance.

Covid-19 has further entrenched the nationalist-driven trend in the Middle East. Even before the outbreak, the Arab world was consumed by domestic concerns, showing few qualms about the Trump-Netanyahu plan or recognition of Israel’s sovereignty over Jerusalem and the Golan Heights.

Israeli expansionism

The feeble Arab (including Palestinian and Jordanian) and international response to the US recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and the relocation of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, has encouraged Israel and the US to press ahead and turn Israel’s de facto sovereignty over all of Palestine into de jure.

While this is all illegal under international law, it is a mistake to believe that empirical reality and time will not deflect, strain and fractureinternational law and legality.

Since 1967, the Israeli strategy has pivoted on two parallel components: empirical colonisation on the ground, coupled with the facade of a “peace and negotiations” public relations campaign to obfuscate the settler-colonial structure and market it to the international community, as well as Arab regimes.

With this strategy, Israel has expanded in the region both territorially, by de facto taking over Arab land, and politically, through overt and covert relations with most of the Arab states.

Only formal territorial annexation and gradual de-Palestinisation remains. The formal annexation of the West Bank, especially the Jordan Valley, officially torpedoes the century-old Jordanian foreign and security strategy of cooperation with its imperial patrons (Britain, then the US) and the Zionist movement, which evolved into a Jordanian-Israeli peace with an expected Palestinian buffer state between the two.

Another ethnic cleansing

It also puts Jordan face-to-face with a new reality with alarming cartographic and demographic consequences. The chances of another ethnic cleansing become a palpable prospect under the formulae of official annexation and a Jewish statehood in the entirety of Palestine, as articulated in the 2018 nation-state law meant to ensure a Jewish majority.

This is very much tied in with Jordanian fears grounded in previous (1948, 1967) and current experiences of forced migration in the Middle East. Against this backdrop, another ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, forcing a large number of Palestinians to flee to Jordan, is a real possibility. The transfer and elimination of Palestinians from Palestine are embedded in the settler-colonial structure of the Israeli state, which looks at Jordan as their alternative homeland.

While another population flow would be catastrophic for Palestinians, it would also adversely affect Jordan’s stability and future.

Beyond annexation, the Hashemite regime is witnessing a contestation of its custodianship of the Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem, which constitute a significant source of legitimacy for the regime. Even on this matter, the US plan unequivocally appoints Israel as the “custodian of Jerusalem”.

After five decades, Israel’s grip over and presence in the West Bank is ubiquitous and entrenched. Most of the West Bank is empirically annexed and Judaised, especially the Jordan Valley, Greater Jerusalem, parts of Hebron and Gush Etzion. The pretence of the peace process and negotiations has thus become superfluous.

‘Considering all options’ 

Only against this background may one understand the depth of the trepidations that underlie the warning of King Abdullah II that the Israeli annexation will trigger a “massive conflict” with Jordan and that he is “considering all options” in response.

This warning does not reveal a strategy to respond to what constitutes a “direct threat to Jordan’s sovereignty and independence”, as the former foreign minister of Jordan, Marwan Muasher, put it.

It displays, however, the difficult decisions that have to be taken. Indeed, King Hussein was prepared to discontinue the Jordanian-Israeli peace treaty had Israel refused to supply the antidote for the poison its agents had used in an attempt to assassinate Khaled Meshaal, the former head of Hamas, in 1997. It remains to be seen whether the termination or suspension of this treaty and the realignment of alliances are currently options for Jordan.

The Jordanian response to Covid-19 has generated a unique, popular rally around the state – a perfect opportunity to conduct serious reforms to stamp out corruption and involve citizens in the decision-making process, in order to forge a nationally grounded response to Israel’s planned annexation of the West Bank.

Historically, the survival of the Hashemite kingdom has been at stake several times. But today, Jordan finds itself in an unprecedented political, security, economic and health emergency.

Whatever domestic, economic and foreign-policy decisions – or indecisions – that Jordan takes are likely to leave a long-lasting mark on the future of Jordan and the question of Palestine. Such existential decisions must be collective, with broader national consensus and real citizen participation.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Jordan, Middle EastComments Off on Nazi Annexation Plan: Jordan’s Existential Threat

Will Jordan make the Nazi regime pay a price for annexation?

Will Jordan make Israel pay a price for annexation?

Tamara Nassar 

Man in suit standing before podium
King Abdullah of Jordan has warned of “massive conflict” if Israel moves ahead with plans to annex the West Bank. (European Parliament / Flickr)

King Abdullah of Jordan warned of dire consequences should Israel advance annexation plans in coming months.

“If Israel really annexes the West Bank in July, it would lead to a massive conflict with the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan,” he said in an interview with Germany’s Der Spiegel.

When asked if the suspension of the 1994 peace treaty between the two countries was on the table, the king said, “I don’t want to make threats and create a loggerheads atmosphere, but we are considering all options.”

The peace treaty, widely rejected by Jordan’s population, normalized relations with Israel despite there being no restoration of Palestinian rights or an end to Israeli military occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip.

The king’s remarks came days before Benjamin Netanyahu was sworn in as the head of Israel’s new unity government.

Netanyahu and Benny Gantz, leader of the Blue and White party, reached an agreement to form a coalition after more than a year of political stalemate and three general elections.

The coalition agreement includes a commitment that the Israeli government and parliament will, from July, proceed with votes to annex large parts of the occupied West Bank.

While the king’s remarks garnered attention in Israeli and Arabic-language media, it remains to be seen if anything will come of them.

“Alternative homeland”

July’s planned annexation includes the Jordan Valley, more than a quarter of the occupied West Bank along the border with Jordan.

Annexation would be a formal enunciation of what Israel has been committing on the ground for years with muted Jordanian and international resistance: the quiet ethnic cleansing of indigenous Palestinians in the area.

Annexation would deal a final blow to any remaining pretense that the already moribund two-state solution remains viable, and inch Israel closer to a formal one-apartheid-state reality.

Lack of such pretense would accentuate Jordanian leaders’ fears of the country becoming an “alternative homeland” for Palestinian refugees.

The Trump administration’s “Peace to Prosperity” plan unveiled in January, which endorses annexation, also stipulates that “There shall be no right of return by, or absorption of, any Palestinian refugee into the State of Israel.”

In other words, the US administration is attempting to cancel Palestinians’ internationally recognized right to return to towns and villages from which they were expelled, and change their status in host countries from refugees to permanent residents.

“We must recognize that of all the Arab countries, the Kingdom of Jordan has valiantly attempted to take care of the Palestinian people in Jordan,” the plan states.

But Jordan sees the American plan, which would permanently settle millions of Palestinian refugees in Jordan, as a threat to its current political order.

“The two-state solution is the only way for us to be able to move forward,” King Abdullah told the German magazine.

“Leaders who advocate a one-state solution do not understand what that would mean,” he said of the solution which many observers increasingly argue is the only one that can ensure equal rights for all.

“What would happen if the Palestinian National Authority collapsed?”

Said it before

This was not the first time King Abdullah warned of a strained relationship with Israel.

In December, he said relations between the two countries were at an “all-time low.”

Ironically, he spoke those words at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a think tank affiliated with the powerful Israel lobby group AIPAC.

Yet the monarch has made some moves apparently aimed at placating public opinion.

King Abdullah announced in 2018 that Jordan would not renew Israel’s 25-year leases on the Jordanian territories of al-Baqoura and al-Ghamr that were agreed in the 1994 peace treaty.

Al-Baqoura, in northwest Jordan where the Yarmouk and Jordan rivers meet, and al-Ghamr, south of the Dead Sea, were farmed or used by Israelis before and during the lease.

Until last month, Israeli farmers were permitted to enter al-Ghamr and harvest produce cultivated before the lease ended.

As of 30 April, the grace period ended and the territories are now closed to Israelis.

Israel-Jordan gas deal

Taking back control of al-Baqoura and al-Ghamr was relatively easy, given that they are small strips of land.

A much bigger measure of Jordan’s resolve would be to cancel the Israel-Jordan gas deal.

The agreement, which is set to cost Jordan at least $10 billion over 15 years, is staunchly opposed by the public and parliament since its signing in 2016.

The full text of the deal was not revealed until last year. Its contents confirmed suspicions that the Jordanian government misled the public about its involvement in the deal, as well as the conditions for its cancellation and its implications for the Jordanian economy.

Jordanian lawmakers said that the signature of the deal without the approval of parliament is unconstitutional as it may violate Article 33 of the Jordanian constitution.

That article requires treaties and agreements “which entail any expenditures to the Treasury of the State or affect the public or private rights of Jordanians” to be approved by the legislature.

The constitution also requires that “in no case shall the secret terms in a treaty or agreement be contrary to the overt terms.”

Lawmakers referred the matter to the constitutional court last year.

The court ruled that the deal does not fall under Article 33 and does not require parliamentary approval because it is formally between two companies as opposed to two governments.

However, one of those companies is the Jordanian national electricity provider NEPCO, which is wholly owned and controlled by the government.

Despite strong opposition, Israel began pumping natural gas to Jordan earlier this year.

Last month, Jordan’s constitutional court provided an interpretation of Article 33 at the request of the Jordanian cabinet.

The court concluded that international treaties and agreements are binding, and it is not permissible for parliament to pass laws to cancel such agreements or contradict their terms.

Now, the Jordanian Campaign to Stop the Zionist Gas Deal is renewing its calls for the cancellation of the deal.

The campaign argues that the court’s statement “means that agreements formed outside the framework of Article 33 of the constitution, such as the agreement to import gas from the Zionist enemy, can be cancelled by the government,” the campaign stated.

The campaign is calling on the government not to shirk its “historical responsibility” to cancel the agreement, especially as the billions of dollars slated to be paid to Israel by Jordanian taxpayers and electricity customers could be directed to urgent needs at home, including Jordan’s health sector amid the new coronavirus pandemic.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, Middle East, ZIO-NAZI, JordanComments Off on Will Jordan make the Nazi regime pay a price for annexation?

In Jerash refugee camp, lockdown means ‘living without eating’

Palestinian refugees in Jordan’s Jerash camp were already suffering from severe poverty and public health challenges. Then COVID-19 hit.

By Nooran Alhamdan 

Jerash camp

Jerash refugee camp, home to an estimated 30,000 Palestinians whose elders fled Gaza in 1967, after Israel occupied the territory, Jordan, October 11, 2011. (Omer Chatriwala/CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

The COVID-19 pandemic is compounding the already precarious situation that refugees around the world are in. Palestinian refugees in Jordan’s Jerash camp are especially vulnerable, given the existing public health challenges and severe poverty.

There are more than two million registered Palestinian refugees living in Jordan. Jerash camp is home to an estimated 30,000 Palestinians whose elders fled Gaza in 1967, after Israel occupied the territory. Unlike most Palestinian refugees in the Hashemite Kingdom, they never received Jordanian citizenship, which impacts their access to work prospects, educational opportunities, and healthcare, among other rights enjoyed by Palestinian-Jordanians.

Before the Jordanian government instituted a lockdown to contain the spread of the new coronavirus, the camp, known locally as Gaza Camp, was deemed by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), the U.N. body that delivers vital aid to some 5.3 million Palestinian refugees across the Arab world, as the poorest of the 10 official Palestinian refugee camps in the country.Get Our Weekly NewsletterSign up

Based on a 2013 report by the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies — the latest UNRWA study released on the socio-economic conditions of Palestinian refugees in Jordan — refugees who were displaced (either for the first or second time in 1967) from Gaza and their descendants are more than three times as likely to be among the most impoverished, living on less than $1.25 a day. Over half of the camp’s refugees have an income below the national poverty line of JD 814 ($1,148). Unemployment rates in the camp are close to 40 percent compared to 14 percent for Palestinian refugees in Jordan, according to a 2018 study by the Palestinian Return Centre.

The camp’s residents were also already facing a myriad of public health issues prior to the pandemic. More than 65 percent of the buildings contain asbestos and corrugated zinc, and have not been overhauled since their construction. There is limited access to clean water and a “reeking sewage system,” states the Palestinian Return Centre report. Garbage is strewn in the streets, as UNRWA had to reduce its trash collection after the United States slashed its funding to the relief agency in 2018.

Jerash camp has the highest number of Palestinian refugees in Jordan without any health insurance — a staggering 88 percent of the camp’s population. However, children under 6 years are eligible for public health insurance and are treated at government health facilities for free, like all Jordanians.

According to the Palestinian Return Centre report, Jerash camp refugees have access to free healthcare through local UNRWA-run clinics, “which offer very basic services.” If they venture outside to a government hospital, they must pay guest fees for medical services, as if they are foreign nationals seeking treatment abroad. UNRWA may partially subsidize these treatments depending on a refugee’s economic status, but many find the cost of treatment unaffordable still.

Palestinian children at a refugee camp in Gaza, November 1, 1956. (Pridan Moshe/GPO)

Palestinian children at a refugee camp in Gaza, November 1, 1956. (Pridan Moshe/GPO)

In 2019, I visited the camp as part of an academic research study. I spoke to around 15 camp residents who recounted how ambulances cannot reach many parts of the camp, or how they have to rely on using the national ID cards of sympathetic Jordanian citizens to access critical treatment in extreme cases.

Muhand Salem, 23, was born and raised in Jerash camp. He studied engineering but has been unemployed since graduating. I last saw Muhand in 2017, when I began volunteering with a nonprofit organization that operates there. We stayed in touch on social media, and following the coronavirus outbreak, I asked him how he is faring via Instagram messages.

Given Jordan’s economic crisis, life at the camp was already hard, he said. After years of exempting Gazans from having to apply for work permits, in January 2016, the Labor Ministry announced it as a requirement. Each work permit cost around $250 per person — a fee many Gazan refugees cannot afford on a yearly basis.

“Companies started to lay off many of their ex-Gazan workers or stopped employing them,” added Muhand. “By the end of the year, most employees faced problems — from being unable to obtain work permits, to pressures in being laid-off or being unable to find new jobs.”

Most breadwinners at the camp earn a daily wage, explained Muhand. During the summer, these kinds of work opportunities tend to increase, and people would save their earnings to help them get through the slower winter months.

But then COVID-19 hit. Since the coronavirus broke out in the early spring, most refugees had already spent their winter savings, he said. Now, “most families living in the camp are struggling to provide the very basics necessities for themselves and their families.”

“We are constantly losing the youth’s energy, even prior to COVID-19, because of the economic situation,” continued Muhand. “There is no goal for us to strive for.”

Directing people who are already struggling financially to shelter at home means “telling them not to work on that day, not to earn [a living], and to live that day without eating.”

Jerash camp in Jordan, on a visit by Noordan Alhamdan in 2017. (Courtesy of Nooran Alhamdan)

Jerash camp in Jordan, on a visit by Noordan Alhamdan in 2017. (Courtesy of Nooran Alhamdan)

Many organizations are working to ensure that Palestinian refugees, especially those in Jerash, are taken care of during this crisis. Grassroots organizations like One Love Sama Gaza are providing Palestinian refugees in Jordan with food packages during and after the COVID-19 crisis. American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) recently announced a partnership with Medical Aid for Palestinians’ branch in Jordan to deliver vital medicines, including vitamin D supplements for women.

While the work of these organizations is important and vital, it is focused on short-term relief. The COVID-19 crisis is highlighting the need for long-term, structural solutions when it comes to the rights and needs of Palestinian refugees — ones that not only respond to their humanitarian and economic difficulties, but that also address the root of their problems: their initial displacement.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, Middle East, JordanComments Off on In Jerash refugee camp, lockdown means ‘living without eating’

Zionist Arab puppets Zionist secret history

Arab rulers and Israel’s leaders: A long and secret history of cooperation

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been actively seeking closer relations and alliances with Arab rulers (Illustration by Mohamad Elaasar]2.8kShares

In the last month, Israeli leaders have been actively seeking closer relations and alliances with Arab countries, including the Gulf states, Morocco and Sudan.

These are states that, we are told, have finally seen the light and realised that Israel, unlike Iran, is their friend not their enemy.

This is presented as some major change of heart on the part of Arab regimes, which had apparently always shunned relations with Israel in the interest of defending the Palestinians.

This was always a fiction. Most of the 20th century’s Arab leaders and ruling families maintained cordial relations with Israel and, before it, the Zionist movement.

False narrative

This false narrative of resistance has been presented by Arab regimes as well as Israelis. It’s been put about by pro-Israeli Arab intellectuals, who claim that these regimes unfairly spurned Israel or even went to war with it at the behest of the Palestinians, rather than in their own national and regime interests.

This line of thinking concludes with the assertion that now, finally, is the time that Arab governments put their own interests ahead of the Palestinians, as if they had ever prioritised Palestinian interests before.

The largest number of Arab leaders and ruling families have had cordial relations with Israel and, before it, the Zionist movement, throughout the twentieth century

This was most recently expressed by the Sudanese military commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Uganda two weeks ago. It was hardly the first such meeting between Sudanese officials and Israel.

Secret overtures had taken place as early as the 1950s, when Sudan was still ruled by the British and Egyptians and the Umma party sought to gain Israeli support for Sudanese independence.

Following independence, Sudanese Prime Minister Abdullah Khalil and Golda Meir, Israel’s fourth prime minister, held a clandestine meeting in Paris in 1957.

In the 1980s, Sudanese President Gaafar Nimeiri met with the Israelis and facilitated the Israeli transport of Ethiopian Jews to Israel to become colonial settlers in the land of the Palestinians.

Hussein stands with former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in Washington in 1994 (AFP)
Jordan’s King Hussein stands with former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in Washington in 1994 (AFP)

More recently, in January 2016 and with Omar al-Bashir still in charge, foreign minister Ibrahim Ghandour sought to lift the US economic sanctions on Sudan by offering to open formal diplomatic ties with Israel. When questioned about his recent meeting with Netanyahu and the normalisation of relations, Burhan’s response was that relations with Israel are based on Sudan’s “security and national interests”, which come first. 

The history of Sudan’s leaders’ connections with Israel is hardly unique. Indeed, Arab cooperation with the Zionist movement goes back to the dawn of the arrival of Zionist officials in Palestine.

Cordial relations

It was on 3 January 1919, two weeks before the beginning of the Paris Peace Conference, that Emir Faisal Ibn al-Hussein, then of the short-lived Kingdom of Hejaz and later the king of Iraq, signed an agreement with the President of the World Zionist Organization Chaim Weizmann. Faisal consented to the creation of a Jewish colonial majority in Palestine, in exchange for becoming the king of a large and independent Arab kingdom in all of Syria.  

The justification that Hussein used for his secret contacts with the Israelis was the preservation of his throne, conflated as Jordan’s “national” interest, in the face of Nasser’s pressure

While Faisal was denied his Syrian throne by the French colonial takeover, the agreement, which the Zionists used at the Paris Peace Conference to claim that their colonial-settler plans for Palestine had the agreement of Arab leaders, came to naught. 

Not to be outdone by his brother, Emir Abdullah of Transjordan embarked on a lifelong relationship of cooperation with the Zionists, in the hope that they would allow him to be king of Palestine and Transjordan, within which they could realise their goals under his kingship. This cooperation led to his assassination in 1951.

His grandson, King Hussein of Jordan, authorised the first secret meetings between one of his army generals and the Israelis in 1960 in Jerusalem. By 1963, he himself was meeting with Israelis secretly at his doctor’s office in London. By the mid-1970s his covert meetings with Israeli leaders would take place regularly inside Israel.

Hussein’s long friendship with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin (who had personally expelled the Palestinian population of the city of Lydda in 1948, and initiated the break-their-bones policies against West Bank and Gaza Palestinians in 1987) was evident during Rabin’s funeral in 1994.

King of Morocco Mohamed VI (L) chats with Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Shimon Peres (R) as President of Algeria Abdelaziz Bouteflika (C) looks on, 11 March 2005
King of Morocco Mohamed VI (L) chats with Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Shimon Peres (R) as President of Algeria Abdelaziz Bouteflika (C) looks on, 11 March, 2005 (AFP)

The justification that Hussein used for his secret contacts with the Israelis was the preservation of his throne, conflated as Jordan’s “national” interest, in the face ofEgyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser’s pressure and later that of the Palestine Liberation Organisation. 

Zionist alliances

Aside from the Hashemite princes and kings, the Maronite Church of Lebanon, as well as right-wing fascist Maronite leaders like the Phalangists, allied themselves with Zionists from the mid-1940s. This alliance continues to the present, in the interest of setting up a sectarian Christian republic in Lebanon, modelled after the Jewish settler-colony.

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By the early 1950s it would be Tunisian nationalists of the Neo Destour party who met with Israeli representatives at the United Nations to help them obtain independence from the French, eliding Israel’s colonial-settler nature. Tunisia’s authoritarian leader Habib Bourguiba would maintain these friendly relations with Israel until the end of his rule in 1987.  

In the 1960s, Israel would support Saudi Arabia’s efforts in maintaining the rule of the imamate in Yemen against the republicans – the Israelis airlifted weapons and money to the Yemeni monarchists, which were well-received.

The warmest relations in North Africa would be between Israel and the late King Hassan II of Morocco.

While Israeli leaders met with Moroccan officials in the late 1950s, warm relations had to wait till King Hassan assumed the throne. From 1960 onwards the Israelis, through secret agreements with Morocco, airlifted Moroccan Jews to become colonial settlers in the land of the Palestinians.

The Moroccan connection

By 1963, Moroccan minister Mohamed Oufkir had concluded an arrangement with the Israelis to train Moroccan intelligence agents. Israel also helped Morocco track its opposition leaders, including Mehdi Ben Barka, who was captured and killed by Moroccan intelligence in 1965. Indeed, Yitzhak Rabin was invited by King Hassan to visit Morocco secretly in 1976.

By 1986, there were no more reasons for secrecy, and Shimon Peres visited Morocco with much public fanfare. In 1994, Morocco and Israel officially exchanged liaison offices.

In 2018, Benjamin Netanyahu met secretly at the UN with Morocco’s foreign minister for talks. In the last few weeks, the Israelis offered the Moroccans their help in securing US recognition of Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara in exchange for Morocco’s formal normalisation of relations with Israel and endorsement of Donald Trump’s so-called “deal of the century”.  

Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak (R) shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) during a meeting in the Egyptian Red Sea resort town of Sharm El-Sheikh on May 11, 2009.
Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak (R) shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) during a meeting in the Egyptian Red Sea resort town of Sharm El-Sheikh on 11 May, 2009 (AFP)

As for the great love affair between the Egyptian political and commercial classes with Israel, it has been a public affair since the late 1970s.

Since 1991, we have seen Israeli leaders, officials and athletes visit most Gulf countries openly, including Qatar, Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, and secretly Saudi Arabia, never mind the opening of liaison or trade offices in these countries.

Public enemy number one

Arab relations with Israel, whether hostile or friendly, were never governed by the interests of the Palestinian people, but rather by their own regime interests, which they often misidentify as “national” interests.

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Only the latter part of the history of their love for Israel has coincided since 1991 with the Madrid Peace Conference and the Oslo Accords, which transformed the Palestinian national leadership and the PLO into an agency of the Israeli military occupation; this is testament to Israel’s ceaseless efforts to co-opt Arab political, business, and intellectual elites.

It is also testament of how co-optable these elites are and have always been. 

While Israel has been mostly successful in its task as far as the political and business elites are concerned, it has failed miserably to co-opt the Arab intellectual class, except for those amongst them on the payroll of Gulf regimes and Western-funded NGOs. Even less has it gained any popularity among the Arab masses, for whom national interests and the colonisation of Palestinian lands, unlike for the Arab regimes, are not separable at all, and for whom Israel remains the major enemy of all Arabs. 

Posted in Palestine Affairs, Africa, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Middle East, Saudi Arabia, SudanComments Off on Zionist Arab puppets Zionist secret history

Nazi regime to Bar Palestinians From Exporting Produce via Jordan

Israel to Bar Palestinians From Exporting Produce via Jordan, as Trade Dispute Escalates

Palestinian farmers harvest cauliflower at a field in the Jordan Valley in the West Bank, February 1, 2020.

Move follows Defense Minister Bennett’s instruction to stop agricultural imports from the Palestinian Authority to Israel after the PA had placed limitations on the import of calves from Israel

Jack Khoury and Hagar Shezaf 

Israel will ban the export of Palestinian produce via Jordan, Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories Maj. Gen. Kamil told Haaretz on Saturday.

The ban will come into effect on Sunday, marking further escalation in the trade dispute between Israel and the Palestinians that began in October.

In 2019, the Palestinian authority exported produce worth 502 million shekels.

“Yesterday, the director of Israeli crossings informed all exporters and all relevant parties that all Palestinian agriculture products, including fruits, vegetables, dates, and olive oil, would be banned from export to world markets through the Jordanian crossing starting Sunday,” Palestinian Agriculture Minister Riad Attari told Saturday Voice of Palestine Radio.

According to the office of Defense Minister Naftali Bennett, the move is part of the sanctions that Israel placed on the Palestinian Authority after the PA limited the import of calves from Israel. The sanctions are tiered, and will be increased so long as the crisis remains unresolved. Last weekend, Bennett instructed the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories to stop agricultural imports from the Palestinian Authority.

Jordanian officials did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

“We are at a critical political moment and we completely understand the negative impact that will result from these measures, but I say with all confidence that that negative impact will also affect the Israeli economy,” al-Attari said.

“We have several options and measures with which we can respond to each Israeli decision that aims to harm our national economy,” he added.

Palestinian farmers have complained in recent days about many delays in transportation of agricultural products meant for export through Jordan, noting that some of the produce was returned to the West Bank.

According to the Palestinians, Israel sent back to the West Bank nine out of 25 trucks loaded with goods worth 50 million shekels that was headed to Turkey via Jordan.    

He was pressured to make the move by Israeli cattle growers. The PA responded by stating that they would study the decision and respond accordingly.

In recent years, Israeli cattle growers have been selling Palestinians some 140,000 calves annually, worth $289,981,150. But in recent months the PA started trying to import calves independently as part of a policy led by Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh to disengage financially from Israel.

In September, the PA vetoed the import of calves from Israel. Jerusalem had perceived this move as a breach of the agricultural trade agreement it forged with the Palestinians as part of the economic pacts of the Oslo Accords in 1994. In response, Israel slapped sanctions on the PA: It revoked Palestinian businesspeople’s passage and trade licenses, halted the passage of donations into the Strip and didn’t allow Palestinians to bring the cattle they imported independently into Gaza.

In December, Israel and the PA agreed to end the boycott, chiefly because of the rise in cattle prices in the West Bank. The two parties agreed that the PA could purchase cattle from Israel, but in a limited capacity. Israeli cattle growers, who were averse to this agreement, demanded that Israel stop importing vegetables from the West Bank and from Gaza as a means of pressuring the Palestinians into accepting their demands.

Meanwhile, a Palestinian youth was killed by Israeli live fire during clashes in the West Bank near Tullkarem, the Palestinian Authority said Friday, as violent incidents between Palestinians and Israelis in the West Bank continue to escalate following the unveiling of President Donald Trump’s Mideast peace plan.

Israel Police said two border policewomen were lightly wounded after altercations erupted between hundreds of Plaestinians and Israeli security forces near the northern West Bank village of Azzun. A soldier was also lightly wounded by a rock thrown by Palestinians.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, JordanComments Off on Nazi regime to Bar Palestinians From Exporting Produce via Jordan

Nazi regime Plan to Overthrow Zionist puppet of Jordan, Annexing the West Bank and the Jordan Valley

Israel’s Plan to Overthrow the King of Jordan, Annexing the West Bank and the Jordan Valley

Countdown to Achieve the ‘Alternative Homeland’ in Jordan Begins

By Adnan Abu Amer

Global Research,

The Israeli right is preparing to present a plan to overthrow the Jordanian king after annexing the Jordan Valley in the West Bank to realise the dream of Jordan being converted to Palestine. They aim to establish a confederation between the PA and “Palestinian Jordan” because the Israeli right is interested in annexing the West Bank without the millions of Palestinians within it. Forcing them to head to Jordan.

Israel’s Haaretz newspaper revealed in late December the Israeli right-wing’s approaches and plans, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. This is based on the claims that Israel has major plans for Jordan, but these plans do not include the same king. This is evidenced by several articles and reports written by right-wing Israeli writers this month who all present similar justifications and results, the main of them all is to destroy the peace treaty with Jordan.

Right-wing Israelis believe that annexing the Jordan Valley is a tactical operation aimed at hitting two Israeli birds with one stone: the first is to work to annex the West Bank and cancel the peace agreement with Jordan, and the second is to topple the Hashemite royal family and to embody the dream of Jordan being Palestine.

It is interesting that this dream is shared by all the Israeli right, with all its components and currents, because they are enthusiastic supporters of the idea that Jordan is Palestine. The ruling Israeli right has begun to detest King Abdullah II.

When King Abdullah is shamefully toppled, Israel will be able to complete its annexation of the West Bank and establish a confederation between the Palestinian Authority and “Palestinian Jordan”.Palestine: 50 Years of Occupation

Moreover, according to the Israeli perception, when that happens, the Palestinians in the West Bank will obtain political rights in Jordan.

According to this Israeli theory, when the Palestinian state is established in Jordan, the Palestinians can resolve their issue, put an end to their suffering and stop using armed operations against Israel, because since 1988, Palestinians in the West Bank have been able to obtain temporary Jordanian passports.

It is worth noting that the Israeli approach may contradict Jordan’s interest in reducing the total number of Palestinians in the kingdom because it refuses at the moment to receive Palestinian refugees from Syria in the way it allowed Syrian and Iraqi refugees to seek refuge on its soil.

Perhaps such aspirational Israeli calls towards Jordan are encouraged by the fact that the two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is no longer practical or realistic. Meanwhile, there are claims that the alternative solution is the establishment of an Arab Palestinian state east of the Jordan River, which will achieve peace between Israel and Palestine. They also claim that the river can be used to transport goods and products from either side, with the Israeli Jewish state on one side and the Arab Palestinian country on the other, side by side.

There is another Israeli scenario of Jordan hosting more Palestinians and instead of the kingdom becoming a Palestinian republic, they become citizens with full rights in the Hashemite Kingdom.

The return of Gilad Sharon after a long absence was noteworthy. He is the son of the late Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, who had strong relations with the late King Hussein, King Abdullah’s father. Gilad Sharon returned to claim that the current Jordanian ling would not dare to oppose the annexation of the Jordan Valley by Israel, because Israel has him by his weak spot and the continuation of his rule depends on Israel. He also said that if the king opened his mouth, Israel would turn off the water tap and leave the kingdom to go thirsty.

All these are efforts to drive the king to cancel the peace agreement with Israel and allow Tel Aviv to remove him.

King Abdullah finds himself caught between the anger of the Jordanian public and Israel. The situation of his government has become really difficult because his country’s budget is suffering, the sources of income are declining, the Gulf states, which have always been a source of support for Jordan, have reduced their aid, and millions of Arab refugees have flocked to the kingdom in recent years.

In spite of the increase of tensions between Jordan and Israel over the past year, security coordination between them continues as usual and the intelligence cooperation is at its best. This raises questions about the king failing to use this card to pressure Israel unless this cooperation serves him and not the kingdom.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, Middle East, ZIO-NAZI, JordanComments Off on Nazi regime Plan to Overthrow Zionist puppet of Jordan, Annexing the West Bank and the Jordan Valley

Jordanian prisoners of government: ‘Use the Israeli infiltrator to release us’

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

I

AMMAN – Jordanian prisoners in Nazi camps sent a letter Monday evening calling on the Jordanian people and the government to take a serious stand towards their cause and use the Zionist infiltrator to exchange with the occupation.

The prisoners said in a letter received by the “Jerusalem network” a copy of them that they are living in difficult humanitarian conditions under the fierce attack on us by the Nazi jail spiteful after the Jordanian achievement, which forced the arrogant occupation to release the prisoners Hiba al-Labadi and Abdul Rahman Marei.

They added: “We, as Jordanian prisoners in the prisons of the occupation – like other free – we have responded to the call of Arab and Islamic duty in the holiest parts of the earth and the cradle of the messages and the land of the prophets, to lift the injustice of the Palestinian people west of the river and shared with them the destruction of the dreams and ambitions of the Zionists in the whole region, including our precious homeland Jordan” .

Abizaid and prisoners: “The Jordanian prisoner had a valiant role witnessed by the enemy before the friend, as history has seen before the heroics and sacrifices of the Jordanian Arab army on the land of Palestine were martyrs and prisoners and missing, while the martyrs in the graves of the figures of the Zionist occupation, which has been rife for 60 years As for the prisoners and missing persons, those who have been kept secret by the occupation for malicious purposes, these missing persons for decades have not shown them successive governments the effort they deserve to reveal their fate in fulfillment of their sacrifices . “

The statement pointed out that the Jordanian government can through the recent diplomatic movement and thanks to the national movement to extract two Jordanian prisoners at the occupation, continuing: “The issue of prisoners did not end with their departure, leaving behind 21 other prisoners suffering for decades ago.”

The prisoners addressed the Jordanian people, saying: “We cry from behind the bars of the prison to support us and support us to be among you, each of us has a story of soreness and tears and groans, we were born on the riches of Jordan and we studied in his schools graduated from his universities and we love his soil and air, we are not just a number we want to know about him , we young people gripe tells tales of silence painful for each one of us, do not forget us in the prisons to eat more of our lives away from our loved ones ” .

Occupation arrests ten Palestinians from the occupied West Bank 

Cool low and rainy weekend

Jordanian group refuses to open archaeological sites for visitors to the occupation

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights, JordanComments Off on Jordanian prisoners of government: ‘Use the Israeli infiltrator to release us’

What we learn from Heba Labadi and Abdul Rahman Marei

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

194126

What we learn from the liberation of Heba al-Labadi and Abdul Rahman Merhi is that the political elite in our country is pushing for confrontation. The political elite is pushing for a way out.

It is a repetitive lesson but its renewal in practice is important and necessary. The response of the ruling elite to the pressure of the masses under its rule is positive. We want it to continue.

But without illusions to exploit the current moment of its manufacture, Wadi Araba is still an approach espoused by this elite, and the resistance action in Palestine is “terrorism” tried “perpetrator” before the State Security Court with this elite eye.

It is a long way from where we stand to where we wish … This was an important success that restores the will of the will, which Heba first pulled from the clutches of the jailer when she went on hunger strike, and his friends and loved ones took him away when they decided not to give up because his story was just crying. New.

From there, this will became a popular will to make its second achievement in Jordan in a matter of months.

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Issawiya alone resists

Freedom of expression for judges: between international standards and the promotion of illusions

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights, JordanComments Off on What we learn from Heba Labadi and Abdul Rahman Marei

Jordan:Between the arms of the family .. Marei and Labadi free

By: Sammi Ibrahem,Sr

22

Illegally Nazi occupied JERUSALEM – After more than seventy days in Nazi camp, they are now “free” in the arms of their family, having lived through difficult days in prison conditions.

Jordan’s Abdel Rahman Marei (29) and Heba al-Labadi (24), the abeer of freedom, became among the families of their long-awaited family, amid longing and longing for their health due to illness and strike.

The Nazi occupation authorities released the prisoners, Merhi and Labadi, on Wednesday, according to the agreement concluded between the Zionist puppet regime of Jordan and the Nazi occupation, through the Karama Bridge; in preparation for transferring them to treatment and conducting the necessary tests.

The Zionist newspaper Yedioth Ahronoth reported on its website that the Nazi camp Service released Mar’i and al-Labadi (detained since August 2019), claiming that they were suspected of “contacting a foreign agent supporting terrorism.”

The site added that the Jordanians were arrested in two separate incidents upon arrival through the Karama crossing.

The Zionist puppet Jordanian regime has concluded an agreement with the Nazi occupation authorities, under which the detainees will be released before the end of this week, where they announced this agreement on the fourth of November.

It is noteworthy that the captive Labadi was arrested on 20 August last, and Marei was arrested on 2 September last, separately, after crossing the Karama Bridge, without explaining the reason for the arrest.

Labadi has been on an open-ended hunger strike for 42 days since she was transferred to administrative detention on September 24. She then suspended it in conjunction with Zionist puppet Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi’s announcement of an agreement between the two sides on the release.

The prisoner, Mar’i, has been held in Nazi camp “Ofer”, and suffers from very difficult health conditions because he has cancer in facial fat cells since 2010.

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Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights, Jordan, Middle EastComments Off on Jordan:Between the arms of the family .. Marei and Labadi free

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