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Nazi Army Issues Demolition Orders Targeting A Home, Sheds And Barns Near Nablus

Army Issues Demolition Orders Targeting A Home, Sheds And Barns Near Nablus

 imemc

Israeli soldiers invaded, Thursday, Ein Shibli village, east of the northern West Bank city of Nablus, and handed demolition orders targeting eight structures, including a home.

Ghassan Daghlas, a Palestinian Authority official who monitors Israel’s colonialist activities in northern West Bank, said several army jeeps invaded the village, and delivered orders for the demolition of a home, a shed, and a water tank, owned by Aisha Mohammad and Ibrahim Eshteyya.

Daghlas added that the soldiers also handed demolition orders targeting two residential sheds, a barn, and a tent owned b Shehda Abed-Rabbo Abu Kabbash, in addition to a residential shed owned by Nitham Khader.

The army claimed the structures were not licensed by the Civil Administration Office, the administrative branch of Israel’s illegal occupation.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights0 Comments

Nazi “Army Detonates Home Of Palestinian Political Prisoner”

Updated: “Army Detonates Home Of Palestinian Political Prisoner”

Israeli soldiers wired and detonated, Wednesday, the family home of a Palestinian political prisoner, who stands accused of killing an Israeli settler, in Toura village, southwest of the northern West Bank city of Jenin.

Dozens of soldiers invaded the village, earlier Wednesday, forced the family out of their home before and wired the property for several hours, before detonating it.

The detonated home belongs to the family of Mohammad Kabaha, while the order to demolish the property was only issued on January 6th, 2021.

The two-story house provided shelter to his wife and four children, who were all rendered homeless in this act of illegal collective punishment.

The army alleges the detainee is behind the death of an Israeli settler, identified Esther Horgan, 52, who was found dead, on December 21, 2020, close to Tel Menashe illegal colony, near Nablus, in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

The army claims that Kabaha killed the settler woman to avenge the death of detainee Kamal Abu Wa’ar, 46, from Qabatia town, south of Jenin.

During the invasion into the village, the soldiers attacked dozens of Palestinians, after closing and isolating the entire community, and fired a barrage of gas bombs, causing scores of injuries, including to an elderly woman who was rushed to a hospital.

Israel’s policy of home demolition is an illegal act of collective punishment that violates International Law, the Fourth Geneva Convention in addition to various international treaties, especially the 1949 Geneva Conventions which regarded the practice as a war crime.

It is worth mentioning that undercover Israeli soldiers kidnapped Kabaha on December 24th, 2020, and frequently invaded his home in addition to assaulting his family and interrogating them during the violent searches of the property.

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Soldiers Demolish The Family Home Of Palestinian Detainee
Feb 10, 2021 at 15:29

On Wednesday afternoon, Israeli soldiers started the demolition process, the family home of a Palestinian detainee from Jenin, who stands accused of killing an Israeli colonialist settler in December of last year.

Several Israeli military jeeps and bulldozers invaded Toura village, west of the northern West Bank city of Jenin, and began preparation for demolishing the two-story home.

The Israeli decision to demolish the family home of detainee Mohammad Kabaha, was issued on January 6th, 2021.

The Israeli army alleges the detainee is behind the death of an Israeli settler, identified Esther Horgan, 52, who was found dead, on December 21, 2020, close to Tel Menashe illegal colony, near Nablus, in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

The army claims that Kabaha killed the settler woman to avenge the death of detainee Kamal Abu Wa’ar, 46, from Qabatia town, south of Jenin.

Abu Wa’ar was cancer-stricken, and also contracted the coronavirus while in prison before he died following a serious deterioration in his health due to being subjected to medical neglect on the part of the Israeli Prison Authority.

It is worth mentioning that undercover Israeli soldiers kidnapped Kabaha on December 24th, 2020, and frequently invaded his home in addition to assaulting his family and interrogating them during the violent searches of the property.

The Israeli practice of home demolitions, regardless of the ‘justification’, is an illegal act of collective punishment and violates various international treaties, especially the 1949 Geneva Conventions which regarded the practice as a war crime.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Human Rights0 Comments

Zionist “Army Detonates Home Of Palestinian Political Prisoner”

Updated: “Army Detonates Home Of Palestinian Political Prisoner”

Israeli soldiers wired and detonated, Wednesday, the family home of a Palestinian political prisoner, who stands accused of killing an Israeli settler, in Toura village, southwest of the northern West Bank city of Jenin.

Dozens of soldiers invaded the village, earlier Wednesday, forced the family out of their home before and wired the property for several hours, before detonating it.

The detonated home belongs to the family of Mohammad Kabaha, while the order to demolish the property was only issued on January 6th, 2021.

The two-story house provided shelter to his wife and four children, who were all rendered homeless in this act of illegal collective punishment.

The army alleges the detainee is behind the death of an Israeli settler, identified Esther Horgan, 52, who was found dead, on December 21, 2020, close to Tel Menashe illegal colony, near Nablus, in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

The army claims that Kabaha killed the settler woman to avenge the death of detainee Kamal Abu Wa’ar, 46, from Qabatia town, south of Jenin.

During the invasion into the village, the soldiers attacked dozens of Palestinians, after closing and isolating the entire community, and fired a barrage of gas bombs, causing scores of injuries, including to an elderly woman who was rushed to a hospital.

Israel’s policy of home demolition is an illegal act of collective punishment that violates International Law, the Fourth Geneva Convention in addition to various international treaties, especially the 1949 Geneva Conventions which regarded the practice as a war crime.

It is worth mentioning that undercover Israeli soldiers kidnapped Kabaha on December 24th, 2020, and frequently invaded his home in addition to assaulting his family and interrogating them during the violent searches of the property.

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Soldiers Demolish The Family Home Of Palestinian Detainee
Feb 10, 2021 at 15:29

On Wednesday afternoon, Israeli soldiers started the demolition process, the family home of a Palestinian detainee from Jenin, who stands accused of killing an Israeli colonialist settler in December of last year.

Several Israeli military jeeps and bulldozers invaded Toura village, west of the northern West Bank city of Jenin, and began preparation for demolishing the two-story home.

The Israeli decision to demolish the family home of detainee Mohammad Kabaha, was issued on January 6th, 2021.

The Israeli army alleges the detainee is behind the death of an Israeli settler, identified Esther Horgan, 52, who was found dead, on December 21, 2020, close to Tel Menashe illegal colony, near Nablus, in the northern part of the occupied West Bank.

The army claims that Kabaha killed the settler woman to avenge the death of detainee Kamal Abu Wa’ar, 46, from Qabatia town, south of Jenin.

Abu Wa’ar was cancer-stricken, and also contracted the coronavirus while in prison before he died following a serious deterioration in his health due to being subjected to medical neglect on the part of the Israeli Prison Authority.

It is worth mentioning that undercover Israeli soldiers kidnapped Kabaha on December 24th, 2020, and frequently invaded his home in addition to assaulting his family and interrogating them during the violent searches of the property.

The Israeli practice of home demolitions, regardless of the ‘justification’, is an illegal act of collective punishment and violates various international treaties, especially the 1949 Geneva Conventions which regarded the practice as a war crime.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI0 Comments

Updated: “Army Demolishes Four Irrigation Pools Near Jericho”

imemc

Israeli soldiers demolished, Wednesday, four irrigation pools in Marj Na’ja community and Khirbat Allan (ash-Shouna) in the al-Jiftlik village, north of Jericho Palestinian city, in northeastern West Bank.

The demolished irrigation pools are owned by local farmers, identified as Salah Abu Hashem, Qais Nasasra, Monir Nasasra, and Nasr Zubeidat.

The soldiers demolished two irrigation pools, one providing water to about 50 Dunams of grapevines, and the other providing water to 15 Dunams planted with palm trees, owned by Nasasra family.

The army also demolished a pool, owned by Nasr Zubeidat, providing water to 50 Dunams of farmlands.

Earlier Wednesday, the soldiers demolished a 1400 cubic/meter irrigation pool in a palm tree’s farm, owned by Saleh Abu Hashem, in the al-Khazouq area in the northern part of Marj an-Na’ja village.

It is worth mentioning that the soldiers demolished several irrigation pools last year, under the pretext of being in what Israel claimed to be “state lands” (in the occupied West Bank), although the Palestinians have all needed deeds proving ownership.

Updated From:
Israeli Soldiers Demolish Irrigation Pool Near Jericho
Feb 10, 2021 at 12:11

Israeli soldiers invaded, Wednesday, Marj Na’ja village, north of Jericho Palestinian city, in northeastern West Bank, and demolished a privately owned irrigation pool.

Kayed Masoud, the head of Marj Na’ja Village Council, said the soldiers invaded a palm tree’s farm in the al-Khazouq area in the northern part of the village, and demolished the irrigation pool, owned by Saleh Abu Hashem.

Masoud added that the irrigation pool could hold up to 1400 cubic meters and provided the needed water to about twenty families of farmers.

The official stated that the attack is part of the ongoing Israeli violations targeting the Palestinians, their lands, and livelihoods, amidst its constant attempts to confiscate the Palestinian lands to use them for the illegal construction and expansion of its colonies, in direct violation of International Law and the Fourth Geneva Convention.

In related news, the soldiers confiscated two tents east of Yatta town, south of Hebron, in the southern part of the occupied West Bank.

On Wednesday at dawn, the soldiers abducted 29 Palestinians from several parts of the West Bank, including Jerusalem.

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When your village becomes a “firing zone” – that’s ethnic cleansing

IF AMERICANS KNEW

When your village becomes a “firing zone” – that’s ethnic cleansing

Ethnic cleansing by another name: “firing zone.” (Pictured: Children in Jinbeh, a Palestinian village in the occupied West Bank, watch as the Israeli army conducts a drill, February 3, 2020.)

In order to intimidate Palestinians into leaving their own land, Israel declares various areas of the West Bank “military firing zones.” It’s one of many strategies for ethnic cleansing and “Judaization.”

By Yuval Abraham, February 5, 2021, reposted from +972 Magazine

The first shell woke us up at 2 a.m. It was a formidable blast. The room’s metal door shook and the smell of smoke filled the air. I got off the mattress. The explosion was so close, you could hear the soldiers downstairs yelling: “Yalla, keep going. Quick.”

Another shell exploded. The Israeli army was conducting a massive training exercise near Jinbeh, a small West Bank village in the Masafer Yatta area of the south Hebron Hills, home to around 150 Palestinians.

The lights in the houses across the village went on. A few frightened residents rushed outside. When silence fell, Hamdan, who was sleeping beside me, said: “That’s it, I think it’s over. Let’s go back to sleep.”

But then there was another blast. The windows rattled, dogs were howling, my body tightened up — and on it went until 4 a.m. None of Jinbeh’s resident got any sleep that night.

The following morning, we discovered a large number of military equipment down in the valley. Thirty tanks and a convoy of heavy trucks piled with shells were climbing up to the village, flattening the narrow dirt road. One by one, the tanks drove past the dozens of families and children who were standing outside, tired from the night before, and in complete shock.

One grandmother who was born in Jinbeh in 1942 told me that she had never seen anything like it. The army has been conducting military training in the area for decades, she said, but not like this. They had never arrived with tanks all the way up to people’s homes.

In 1980, the Israeli army declared the area as Firing Zone 918, even though 12 Palestinian villages, including Jinbeh, resided there long before Israel was founded in 1948. The army’s goal: displace the Palestinian residents.

As the grandmother was talking, one of the tanks crashed into the stone gate of the house next door. One of the children said he was afraid. Another tank driver waved hello to a young girl dressed in purple, and she waved back. A third tank drove into someone’s yard — its driver most likely got confused along the way.

Another tank veered into the old stone house of 60-year-old Ali. The driver, who looked around 19, was embarrassed. An officer with a grey beard clapped his hands in contempt and yelled: “You loser, is that how you keep the route?”

The IDF conducts a military exercise in Jinbeh, a village in the occupied West Bank, February 3, 2020.
The IDF conducts a military exercise in Jinbeh, a village in the occupied West Bank, February 3, 2020. (Keren Manor/Activestill.org)

Ali got closer and saw that the tank had knocked down large rocks that were now blocking the entrance to his building. The driver didn’t move an inch. The officer yelled again: “Snap out of your shock and run out to get tow cables immediately.”

The tanks continued past the other buildings, but Ali remained outside his house. He asked his son to help him drag the rocks out.

Ali, too, was born here in Jinbeh. He told me that he worked as a construction worker in Israel his whole life, mending structures and roads. In Kibbutz Be’eri. In Nahal Oz. Those were his words.

Ali said he has four brothers, all of whom left Jinbeh over the past decade. They abandoned the village they were born in because of Israel’s policies, because of Firing Zone 918, he remarked. He explained that the army is preventing them from paving roads and is refusing to grant them building permits, or let them connect to water and electricity.

Jinbeh is one of more than 200 Palestinian villages in Area C of the occupied West Bank, over which the Israeli military has full control, that are systematically denied building permits — even though the land is privately owned by the residents.

The army preserves only the old stone houses in the village, like Ali’s. Everything else — the clinic, the school, the soccer field — can be demolished at any moment. It’s a violent policy; a way to pressure people into leaving their private land. This is also why the army declared this area a firing zone, even though it rarely trains here: to compound the pressure.

In 1999, under Prime Minister Ehud Barak’s leadership, Israel issued evacuation orders against the residents of Jinbeh and the other villages in the area, on the claim that they live in a firing zone. But the goal of Judaizing the area can be traced back to the 1967 Allon Plan, created by then-Labor Minister Yigal Allon. It was the Labor Party’s blueprint for settlement-building in the occupied Palestinian territories.

The IDF conducts a military exercise in Jinbeh, a village in the occupied West Bank, February 3, 2020.
The IDF conducts a military exercise in Jinbeh, a village in the occupied West Bank, February 3, 2020. (Keren Manor/Activestill.org)

This tactic of using firing zones to Judaize an area isn’t applied only in the South Hebron Hills. Israel has declared about 18 percent of the West Bank as firing zones for military training. This is roughly as large as the West Bank area under full Palestinian control. During a 2014 Knesset subcommittee meeting on “illegal Palestinian construction in Area C,” Col. Einav Shalev, then operations officer of Central Command, admitted that one of the main reasons for increasing military training in these firing zones is to prevent Palestinian construction.

It is important to stress that these are villages that have existed for many decades. The residents have no way of building legally because the Civil Administration, the arm of Israel’s military responsible for governing Palestinians in the occupied West Bank, denies more than 98 percent of permit requests filed by Palestinians in Area C. To even discuss this issue in terms of legal compliance is absolutely ridiculous, since the law is clearly based on ethnic bias.

Jinbeh’s residents petitioned Israel’s High Court on the basis of a very logical argument: if they are sitting on their privately-owned land, how can the state expel them on the claim that the area is a firing zone? The state argued that while Jinbeh’s residents indeed live in that area, they only stay there for part of the year during certain seasons. Therefore, since the village is not their “permanent residence,” the army can declare the area a firing zone and kick out the inhabitants.

This is false. But even if it were true, it’s still their land, their home.

More than 20 years have passed since the petition was filed, and it keeps getting dragged on from year to year without a ruling. But on the ground there is a ruling: slow displacement.

The Civil Administration comes here every month to demolish homes and infrastructure while refusing to grant building permits, and people eventually give up and leave. But this year, the High Court judge presiding over the case is retiring, which means he has to issue a ruling over the next few months and determine whether the state can expel all the inhabitants.

This is the context behind the military exercise. This is why, after years of not training in this firing zone, the army decided to conduct a drill in close proximity to people’s houses. It’s obvious that ahead of the ruling, the state wants to strengthen its presence in the area.

Prior to the exercise, the military pledged not to enter people’s land or interfere with their daily routine. And yet, soldiers and tanks entered agricultural land several times, and the entire drill — from the shell explosions at night to the invading tanks the following morning — severely upended the lives of Jinbeh’s inhabitants.

There were also those who were very pleased with this exercise: the settlers. The South Hebron Hills Regional Council congratulated the IDF for the drill, writing in a message that increased military training “is one of the ways to increase governance, strengthen control, and enforce law and order in the area.”

Increasing governance, meaning, amplifying Israel’s pressure to expel local communities like Jinbeh, that live in areas the state wants to Judaize. Israel is currently focusing on three West Bank areas: the Jordan Valley, south Hebron Hills, and an area known as E1, which connects East Jerusalem to the West Bank. There, Israel systematically denies building permits to Palestinians in order to force them to leave.


RELATED READING:

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Guardian fires columnist over ‘joking’ about US arms sale to ‘Israel’

By VT Editors 

Journalist Nathan J. Robinson (File photo)

A longtime contributor to British daily the Guardian has been dismissed after criticizing US arms sales to Israel in a Twitter post, which he described as a joke. 

The newspaper fired Nathan J. Robinson after he said in a post on Twitter that US Congress is legally obligated to buy weapons for Israel.

“Did you know that the US Congress is not actually permitted to authorize any new spending unless a portion of it is directed toward buying weapons for Israel? It’s the law,” read the tweet.

“Or if not actually the written law then so ingrained in political custom as to functionally be indistinguishable from law,” another tweet said.

Robinson said he was “appalled and depressed to see new funding for Israeli missiles being passed at the same time as pitifully small COVID relief.”

He said that the tweet was a “joke,” in which “I relieved my anger.”

Astonished & grateful at the number of emails I’ve received from people who have switched from subscribing to the Guardian to subscribing to Current Affairs. We are a small independent media outlet totally reader-funded so we both depend on and appreciate your support. Thank you!

— Nathan J Robinson (@NathanJRobinson) February 12, 2021

Guardian editor John Mulholland who described the tweet as misleading and inappropriate called on Robinson to delete the post and apologize.

Earlier this month, Israel approved a nearly $3 billion arms deal with the United States.

Under the agreement, Washington will provide Tel Aviv with F-35 and F-16 fighters and Chinook helicopters.

Israel has long been the largest cumulative recipient of the US military aid.

To date, Washington has provided Israel with $146 billion in bilateral assistance and missile defense funding, according to a report published by the US Congress in November.

It said that almost all US assistance to Israel is in the form of military aid. The regime had also been receiving significant economic assistance from 1971 to 2007.

Posted in Palestine Affairs, USA, ZIO-NAZI0 Comments

Netanyahu’s COVID scheme even more racist than Trump’s

COVID as genocide as Israeli as it is Trump ‘Hillbilly Supremacist’

MSNBC: While Americans tune in to watch the unusually engaging impeachment trial of former president Donald Trump for inciting violent mobs, across the Atlantic, another world leader faces ongoing criminal allegations.

Quds News Network@QudsNen The Palestinian Ministry of Health received 10,000 doses of “Sputnik V” COVID-19 vaccine, developed in Russia, today

Image

After being indicted on charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust in 2019, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is now facing corruption charges, this time against the backdrop of his staggering mishandling of a pandemic.

Sound familiar? Well, there’s more.

In the U.S., members of the Philadelphia City Council expressed their concerns last week after new data showed that white residents in the City of Brotherly Love are receiving the Covid-19 vaccination at a rate of three times that of Black residents. Similar reports issued from state and city boards of health around the country indicate that nationwide, the norm is that Black people are being vaccinated at “dramatically lower rates” than white people. Like the virus itself, the coronavirus vaccination rollout highlights a stark racial disparity.


MSNBC@MSNBC
While Israel outpaces the world with its successful vaccine rollout, health experts and Palestinian doctors told @NBCNews that relief for Palestinians has come far later, widening the inequality that began long before the pandemic.

The same glaring inequality is playing out with another group of marginalized people: Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza.

In the West Bank, Palestinians like my relatives have their freedom of movement — and therefore their freedom to even dream of having a better life — dependent upon Netanyahu and his administration. In Gaza, the Netanyahu administration controls what is allowed in and out of “the world’s largest open-air prison” for the 2 million Palestinians living there. This includes Covid-19 vaccines.

US COVID death rate at 2.64%

Palestinians have been hit hard by the coronavirus. As United Nation’s human rights experts recently explained, “The Covid-19 pandemic has been ravaging the West Bank and Gaza in recent months, and has fractured an already badly under-resourced Palestinian health care system.” The latest data from the World Health Organization indicates that in the Palestinian territories there have seen more than 180,000 confirmed Covid-19 cases and a fatality rate of 1.1 percent. That’s far higher than the 0.7 percent fatality rate reported in Israel.  (this death rate information is totally fake) read more…

https://www.msnbc.com/opinion/netanyahu-s-covid-plan-even-more-racist-trump-s-n1257283?icid=msd_topgrid

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI, Politics0 Comments

O Little Town of Bethlehem… What would Christ say about His birthplace today?

Bethlehem Ghetto
By Stuart Littlewood

British people in lockdown over the festive season feel resentful, prevented from driving the length and breadth of the country, hugging family and friends, scoffing mountains of junk food and downing great quantities of booze in the local pub.

But it will hopefully give them an opportunity to ponder the real meaning of Christmas.

Do they ever think about the people of Bethlehem smouldering under the brutal lifetime-long lockdown imposed by Israel’s military? And from which there’s no escape, no respite?

Do they realise that the Little Town of Bethlehem they sing Christmas carols about is ringed and hemmed in by Israel’s ugly eight-metre concrete apartheid wall, with goon towers and machine guns at regular intervals? When finished it will run 440 miles. It is built under the pretext of Israel’s security and supposedly follows the 1949 international armistice border called the Green Line, but it’s actually twice as long because it deviates wherever it wishes to steal, enclose and plunder prime Palestinian agricultural land and other resources along the route. The Israelis’ aim of course is to establish a border of their own choosing at the expense of their Palestinian neighbours.

The wall makes it very difficult for Palestinians to reach their fields and market their produce. Restrictions on freedom of movement limit their access to neighbouring villages, hospitals, schools and universities. Maintaining family ties and social connections is often impossible. The wall’s route not only ignores but deliberately denies Palestinians their human rights.

  • Building on left as it was before it reopened as the ‘Walled-Off Hotel’, associated with Banksy
  • Bethlehem back street
  • Banksy’s “Window to Freedom”, Bethlehem
  • How the wall degrades this lovely town
  • How Israel’s apartheid wall “hems in” Bethlehem and separates the townspeople from their agricultural lands
  • Building on left as it was before it reopened as the ‘Walled-Off Hotel’, associated with Banksy
  • Bethlehem back street

Bethlehem back street

In July 2004 the UN General Assembly accepted a resolution condemning the wall, with 150 countries voting for and sic against. The objectors included, as always, Israel and the US. They rejected both the verdict and the resolution.

Also in 2004 the wall was declared by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to be “contrary to international law” and should be removed. The court made the point that Israel was obligated to return confiscated land or make reparations for any destruction or damage to homes, businesses and farms caused by the wall’s construction.

But of course the international community hasn’t the balls to enforce any of that or tell Israel that if it doesn’t dismantle that gruesome barrier it’ll face worldwide sanctions.

I well remember one evening returning from Jerusalem to Bethlehem by ordinary service bus and joining Palestinian workers on their way home through the checkpoint, just for the experience. The long queue threading through the labyrinth of steel-barred holding pens, familiar in any large cattle market, moved at a snail’s pace, the flow deliberately held up by the Israeli soldiers. I was eventually plucked from the crowd by two of these uniformed gunslingers and accelerated towards the exit. I arrived back at the hotel just in time to join my friends for supper. But my fellow travellers would have been lucky to get home in time to see their kids off to bed, snatch a bite to eat and catch an early night, only to rise before dawn to go through the same soul-destroying cattle-pen routine at the checkpoint next day – twice.

The Israelis are past-masters at inflicting human misery in all areas of Palestinian life, as well as committing horrendous crimes against humanity. The sadistic bastards enjoy it even to the point of abducting Palestinian children, imprisoning them, torturing them and shooting at their legs to maim them.

For an inside account of their murderous siege of the Church of the Nativity in 2002 see pages 62-65 of my book Radio Free Palestine . Then ask yourself why the Israel lobby is allowed to thrive in the fabric of our political parties (Conservative Friends of Israel, Labour Friends of Israel, Liberal Democrat Friends of Israel, etc) and even within the Christian church itself (Christian Friends of Israel, Anglican Friends of Israel and, in the US, Christians United for Israel).

Isn’t Western Christendom ashamed and angry at letting the birthplace of their faith be reduced to this? Apparently not. Church leaders and their congregations couldn’t care less, otherwise they’d rise up.

Happy Christmas, Bethlehem! They’ll do their best of course, but it won’t be all fun and frolics under Israel’s vile lockdown. Sick, isn’t it?

Related

It’s Christmas, but not as we know it: Israel ratchets-up religious war against Christians

In “QuickPress”

A reminder of the misery UK government inaction perpetuates across the Holy Land

As the British government shuts down for the Christmas and New Year festivities, British writer Stuart Littlewood reminds it of the hypocrisy and double standards it rather brush under the carpet but which will not be forgotten by anyone with a modicum of decency. He says, among other things: “So…24th December 2013

In “QuickPress”

Walled in by Zionist ugliness

In “Highlights”

Posted in Palestine Affairs, ZIO-NAZI0 Comments

Challenging the ‘Israeli’ attorney general’s conception of sovereignty:

Challenging the Israeli attorney general’s conception of sovereignty: The issue of jurisdiction concerning the ‘Situation of Palestine’ before the International Criminal Court, June 2020

In this report, Adalah exposes the flaws in the attorney general’s position that the ICC cannot exercise jurisdiction in this case, which is based on an outmoded, formalistic interpretation of state sovereignty.

CLICK HERE or on the below image for the full-length report [PDF format]

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

In this report, Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel responds to the Israeli Attorney General’s (AG) memorandum opposing the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) exercise of jurisdiction on the ‘Situation in Palestine’, dated 20 December 2019. Adalah is a leading human rights organization in Israel that has litigated numerous of cases before the Israeli Supreme Court (ISC) regarding the protection of the Palestinian civilian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPTs). Adalah exposes the flaws in the AG’s position that the ICC cannot exercise jurisdiction in this case, which is based on an outmoded, formalistic interpretation of State sovereignty. Adalah finds both that the AG’s position is not in line with current developments of international legal practice, and also that it contradicts positions that the AG himself has put forward before the ISC, as well as ISC caselaw.

This report is organized as follows.  Adalah explains in Part One that the main arguments presented in the AG’s memorandum are indicative of an outdated and increasingly irrelevant understanding of the definition of state sovereignty. For the AG, the definition of the term ‘State’ is that which is commonly accepted and recognized in general international law: that of a sovereign state. This conception of sovereignty leads the AG to claim that the exercise of the ICC’s jurisdiction in this case would violate the classical state-sovereignty principle of ‘non-intervention’.

International human rights law, however, is not concerned with the old, formalistic understanding of sovereignty and states’ rights, but rather follows a functional approach that examines how a state exercises its power over the population living within its jurisdiction or under its effective control. Significantly, the AG’s memorandum mentions no matter pertaining to the Palestinian population, and fails even to attempt to challenge or to discuss the ICC Prosecutor’s arguments regarding the prima facie war crimes committed by the State of Israel against the Palestinians. It does not discuss the State of Israel’s ‘Responsibility to Protect’ the population. Instead, it narrowly addresses the rights of a sovereign state, but without discussing the corresponding duties of a sovereign power towards the population. In other words, for the AG, claims of sovereignty precede claims of criminality.

The main goal of international legal practice today is the defense of victims, regardless of whether the actor suspected of causing them harm is a sovereign state or a quasi-state. Hence international tribunals and courts have accepted an expanded range of actors including entities that do not enjoy the status of a de jure State, or even the characteristics of a quasi-State. The AG’s claims regarding sovereignty are moreover irrelevant to the purpose of the Rome Statute, which defines criminal offenses for which individuals, and not states, can be prosecuted, and does not determine issues of sovereignty.

Adalah explains that Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute should lead to the interpretation of the term “State” as including a quasi-State when: (1) this entity is a party to the Statute; (2) enjoys a recognized international status; and (3) the case raises matters of impunity. Such an interpretation is especially relevant if the case involves a legal ‘black hole’, which arises when legality is suspended, eliminating access to justice, civil remedies, effective prosecution, penalty, and accountability for illegal killings and other serious crimes.

This contemporary interpretation fills a vacuum in protection for victims, and has nothing to do with determining whether or not Palestine is a sovereign state. It is additionally consistent with the ICC’s purpose of ending impunity. Adalah concludes herein that Articles 19 and 53 of the Rome Statute further support the position that the ICC must exercise jurisdiction on the basis of “the interests of victims” and “the interests of justice” to end impunity. The main cases of impunity concern the Gaza Strip.

Part Two of the report begins by setting the stage with background information about Israel’s Disengagement from Gaza in 2005, and its declaration in 2007 of Gaza as a “hostile territory”, and subsequent closure of the Strip. Following these moves, the Israel Supreme Court (ISC) redefined the legal status of Gaza in the Al-Bassiouni case, effectively declaring an end to Israel’s Occupation, and ruling that Israel’s only obligations towards Gaza’s residents were to ensure “essential humanitarian needs”. The report then reviews major ISC cases litigated between 2007 and the present concerning the denial of the right to an effective remedy in civil law for Gaza residents. These cases include attempts by the State of Israel to exempt itself from paying tort damages to Palestinians injured by the Israeli military, and the denial of entry to Gaza residents into Israel in order to pursue court cases. These cases have resulted in Israel’s full immunity from civil compensation and damages, as a result of which the victims have been left without recourse to a civil remedy.

The second section of Part Two examines in detail Israeli military probes into “exceptional incidents” during the 2014 Gaza War, codenamed “Operation Protective Edge” (OPE). Adalah and Al Mezan filed criminal complaints into 28 incidents to the Military Advocate General (MAG) and the Attorney General (AG) concerning suspected criminal violations committed by Israel against Palestinian civilians during OPE, and demanded independent investigations. These cases concern the killing and serious injury of scores of Palestinian civilians, including women and children, and the massive destruction of civilian objects. None of these cases resulted in any genuine investigations, indictments or criminal proceedings. The section also discusses chronic flaws in the Israel domestic investigatory system, some of which were identified by Israeli domestic commissions of inquiry and the State Comptroller’s Office. It concludes that the Israeli investigatory system as a whole, which provides near blanket impunity to the Israeli military and denies remedies to the victims as a matter of routine, and has absolutely failed to provide accountability, is primarily geared towards protecting its armed forces.

The third section of Part Two analyzes the latest ISC decision regarding the open-fire regulations used by the Israeli military against Palestinian civilian protestors during the Great March of Return March (GMR). This open-fire policy, which included the use of snipers and live ammunition, resulted in the killing of 217 protestors and the wounding of 19,000 others, many of whom suffered catastrophic and otherwise life-altering injuries. Human rights organizations, including Adalah, petitioned the ISC against the Israeli military’s response to the protests, arguing that their use of force was arbitrary and excessive, and violated the protestors’ rights to life and bodily integrity. In May 2018, the ISC unanimously rejected the petition, fully adopting the state’s position in the case, and afforded the military full discretion in its lethal, excessive actions to quash the protests. The ISC further held that the scope of its own intervention was very limited and narrow, and that decisions were subject to the discretion of commanders on the ground. By contrast, the UN Commission of Inquiry, which examined these events, concluded in 2019 that in the tens of cases it had examined, none of the protestors were armed or posed an imminent threat to life or limb, and thus that the use of force was unjustified.

The cases and the caselaw examined in the report show that the Israeli legal system has made Gaza into a legal “black hole” by suspending the applicability of IHL norms and mainly, Article 43 of the Hague Regulations. In addition, as shown in the report, the ISC suspends the applicability of Israeli constitutional law, including its criminal law. By this, a vacuum is created which provides a wide space of impunity that allows for the killing of Palestinians without any legal responsibility. This main feature of the status of Gaza, which has developed since the Disengagement Plan in 2005, was totally avoided by the AG in his memorandum.

These findings lead to the conclusion that, contrary to the AG’s position in his memorandum, the ICC must exercise jurisdiction in defense of victims in this case, who have been left by Israel in a legal ‘black hole’ with no domestic legal recourse or remedy, civil or criminal. Thus, based on ISC caselaw, and the total discretion that the Court grants to the Israeli military, a system of impunity and lack of accountability prevails both in civil tort law and in criminal law. 

CLICK HERE for the full-length report [PDF format]

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Following Adalah legal action, ‘Israel’ expands eligibility for emergency COVID-19 food stamps program

COVID-19 News
Following Adalah legal action, Israel expands eligibility for emergency COVID-19 food stamps program

Interior Ministry revises policy that excluded at-risk populations – notably Bedouin citizens from unrecognized Naqab (Negev) villages – from receiving COVID-19 food security grants.

Israel’s Interior Ministry responded to urgent requests made by Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel to change its policy of conditioning eligibility for food security aid on payment of municipal property tax (arnona).

Adalah sent letters to Israeli Interior Minister Aryeh Deri on 8 October and 15 November 2020 demanding that he revise a policy that excludes at-risk populations – notably Bedouin citizens of Israel living in unrecognized villages in the Naqab (Negev) – from receiving COVID-19 food security grants.

On 22 October 2020, the Interior Ministry released a NIS 700 million (approximately US$208 million) tender for a food distribution system, part of a special government aid program instituted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The aforementioned policy made qualification for the food stamps conditional on an individual’s receipt of a 70 percent rebate in municipal property tax, regardless of their actual level of poverty or food insecurity. According to the policy, only “households entitled to a tax deduction” are eligible to receive emergency COVID-19 food security assistance.

Adalah stressed that the criteria were not sufficient to accurately determine a family’s socio-economic status, never mind its food security situation.

The policy therefore did not result in the fair and equal distribution of food assistance and, in fact, excluded at-risk populations most vulnerable to food insecurity, including the residents of unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Naqab.  

An estimated 90,000 people live in these villages. They are among the poorest citizens in the country, and have been significantly impacted by COVID-19.

Since these villages are not affiliated with any municipal authority – as a a result of Israel’s refusal to recognize them – their residents were previously left ineligible to receive emergency food stamps.

Adalah therefore demanded that the Interior Ministry replace this condition with other criteria based on the principle of equality.

In early December 2020, Adalah was informed by the Interior Ministry that it would revise criteria for receiving the food stamps. The revised criteria, which were published on 24 December 2020, are broader and include the overall income of the family. They also no longer exclude people who are not affiliated with any local authority, who may now submit an application for food stamps directly to the Interior Ministry.

The food stamps are supposed to be distributed in three rounds, the first round from 28 January 2021. Adalah will closely monitor the distribution process.

In addition, on 28 December 2020, Adalah demanded that public information about the distribution of food stamps should be made available in Arabic, alongside Hebrew, to make it more accessible to needy Arab citizens of Israel. Israel’s Interior Ministry complied with this demand shortly afterwards, making its website accessible also in Arabic.

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